748 resultados para Government questionnaires.


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BACKGROUND: A major threat to the validity of longitudinal cohort studies is non-response to follow-up, which can lead to erroneous conclusions. The objective of this study was to evaluate the profile of non-responders to self-reported questionnaires in the Swiss inflammatory bowel disease (IBD) Cohort. METHODS: We used data from adult patients enrolled between November 2006 and June 2011. Responders versus non-responders were compared according to socio-demographic, clinical and psychosocial characteristics. Odds ratio for non-response to initial patient questionnaire (IPQ) compared to 1-year follow-up questionnaire (FPQ) were calculated. RESULTS: A total of 1943 patients received IPQ, in which 331 (17%) did not respond. Factors inversely associated with non-response to IPQ were age >50 and female gender (OR = 0.37; p < 0.001 respectively OR = 0.63; p = 0.003) among Crohn's disease (CD) patients, and disease duration >16 years (OR = 0.48; p = 0.025) among patients with ulcerative colitis (UC). FPQ was sent to 1586 patients who had completed the IPQ; 263 (17%) did not respond. Risk factors of non-response to FPQ were mild depression (OR = 2.17; p = 0.003) for CD, and mild anxiety (OR = 1.83; p = 0.024) for UC. Factors inversely associated with non-response to FPQ were: age >30 years, colonic only disease location, higher education and higher IBD-related quality of life for CD, and age >50 years or having a positive social support for UC. CONCLUSIONS: Characteristics of non-responders differed between UC and CD. The risk of non-response to repetitive solicitations (longitudinal versus transversal study) seemed to decrease with age. Assessing non-respondents' characteristics is important to document potential bias in longitudinal studies.

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This article assesses whether changes in government choice for policy concertation with trade unions and employers are better explained by international or domestic factors. We compare patterns of corporatist governance in a strongly Europeanized policy domain (labor migration policy) and in a weakly Europeanized policy domain (welfare state reforms) over the last 20 years in Austria and Switzerland. We show that there is no systematic difference in patterns of concertation between the two policy sectors and that factors linked to party politics play a bigger role in the choice of governments for concertation. If the base of party support for policies is divided, governments are more prone to resort to corporatist concertation as a way to build compromises for potentially controversial or unpopular policies. By contrast, ideologically cohesive majority coalitions are less prone to resort to concertation because they do not need to build compromises outside their base of party support.

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This dissertation argues that the Government of the People’s Republic of China, when it made the decision to import a quota of Hollywood films in 1994 to revive the failing domestic film industry, had different possible criteria in mind. This project has studied four of them: first, importing films that gave a negative image of the United States; second, importing films that featured Chinese talent or themes; third, importing films that were box office hits in the United States; and fourth, importing films with a strong technological innovation ingredient. In order to find out the most important criteria for the Chinese Government, this dissertation offers a dataset that analyzes a population of 262 Hollywood films released in the PRC between 1994 and 2010. For each unit, a method has been developed to compile data that will determine whether the film reflects any of the four criteria, and findings in the form of yearly percentages have been drawn. Results show that, out of the four studied criteria, the two predominant reasons for China to import films were technological innovation and box office hits. This tells us that, at this point, the Chinese Government shows more interest in obtaining big revenues and learning from technically innovative American films than in delivering underlying political messages. This dissertation contributes to the existing literature by analyzing the content of all the films imported by China between 1994 and 2010, while integrating in the analysis variables based on the existing knowledge.

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Interest in public accountability and government transparency is increasing worldwide. The literature on the determinants of transparency is evolving but is still in its early stages. So far, it has typically focused on national or regional governments while neglecting the local government level. This paper builds on the scarce knowledge available in order to examine the economic, social, and institutional determinants of local government transparency in Spain. We draw on a 2010 survey and the transparency indexes constructed by the NGO Transparency International (Spain) in order to move beyond the fiscal transparency addressed in previous work. In so doing, we broaden the analysis of transparency to the corporate, social, fiscal, contracting, and planning activities of governments. Our results on overall transparency indicate that large municipalities and left-wing local government leaders are associated with better transparency indexes; while the worst results are presented by provincial capitals, cities where tourist activity is particularly important and local governments that enjoy an absolute majority. The analysis of other transparency categories generally shows the consistent impact of these determinants and the need to consider a wider set of variables to capture their effect.

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In a 2000 report entitled "Trust in government. Ethics measures in OECD countries," OECD Secretary-General Donald J. Johnston emphasized the fact that public ethics are considered as a keystone of good governance. Moreover, public ethics are a prerequisite to public trust, which is in turn vital not only to any public service, but also to any society in general. At the same time, transparency reforms have flourished over the last few years and have several times been designed as a response to public distrust. Therefore, ethics, transparency and trust are closely linked together in a supposed virtuous circle where transparency works as a factor of better public ethics and leads to more trust in government on the citizens' side. This article explores the links between transparency and levels of trust in 10 countries between 2007 and 2014, using open data indexes and access to information requests as proxies for transparency. A national ranking of transparency, based on requests submitted by citizens to the administration and open data indexes, is then proposed. Key findings show that there is no sharp decline of trust in government in all countries considered in this article, and that transparency and trust in government are not systematically positively associated. Therefore, this article challenges the common assumption, mostly found in the normative literature, about a positive interrelation between the two, where trust in government is conceived as a beneficial effect of administrative transparency.

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Contemporary public administrations have become increasingly more complex, having to cordinate actions with emerging actors in the public and the private spheres. In this scenario the modern ICTs have begun to be seen as an ideal vehicle to resolve some of the problems of public administration. We argue that there is a clear need to explore the extent to which public administrations are undergoing a process of transformation towards a netowork government linked to the systematic incorporation of ICTs in their basic activities. Through critically analysing a selection of e-government evaluation reports, we conclude that research should be carried out if we are to build a solid government assessment framework based on network-like organisation characteristics.

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Control on regional government budgets is important in a monetary union as lower tiers of government have fewer incentives to consolidate debt. According to the Fiscal Theory of the Price Level; unsustainable non-Ricardian fiscal policies eventually force monetary policy to adjust. Hence, uncoordinated and non-regulated regional fiscal policies would therefore threaten price stability for the monetary union as a whole. However, the union central bank is not without defense. A federal government that internalises the spillover effect of non-Ricardian fiscal policies on the price level can offset non-Ricardian regional fiscal policies. A federal government, which taxes and transfers resources between regions, may compensate for unsustainable regional fiscal policies so as to keep fiscal policy Ricardian on aggregate. Following Canzoneri et al. (2001), we test the validity of the Fiscal Theory of the Price Level for both federal and regional governments in Germany. We find evidence of a spillover effect of unsustainable policies on the price level for other Länder. However, the German federal government offsets this effect on the price level by running Ricardian policies. These results have implications for the regulation of fiscal policies in the EMU.

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This paper analyses how fiscal adjustment comes about when both central and sub-national governments are involved in consolidation. We test sustainability of public debt with a fiscal rule for both the federal and regional government. Results for the German Länder show that lower tier governments bear a relatively smaller part of the burden of debt consolidation, if they consolidate at all. Most of the fiscal adjustment occurs via central government debt. In contrast, both the US federal and state levels contribute to consolidation of public finances.

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Tot i que el cacau i la xocolata són una gran font de polifenols, aquests aliments no es troben entre les fonts alimentàries de polifenols més consumides. Algunes dades suggereixen un aport inferior al 10% de polifenols a través d’aquests. Aquest fet podria ser causa de les diferents metodologies i l'enfocament dels qüestionaris de freqüència de consum d'aliments (FFQ) utilitzats en aquests estudis. La majoria de FFQ validats utilitzen una extensa llista d'aliments per a les fruites i verdures, però no distingeixen adequadament les diverses fonts de xocolata i cacau. Aquests fets recolzen la necessitat d'una avaluació del consum de productes de cacau per tal de poder conèixer la ingesta real de cacau, especialment en la població jove, on la xocolata és un aliment consumit freqüentment.