764 resultados para Free Trade Zones
Resumo:
Includes bibliography
Resumo:
Document prepared on the occasion of the visit of President Barack Obama to Brazil, Chile and El Salvador in March 2011
Resumo:
This article reviews the main progress observed as regards facilitation of trade in the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the Andean Community (CAN), the Central American Common Market (CACM) and the Caribbean Community (CARICOM). The article does not refer to the Southern Common Market (Mercosur) or the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), these integration agreements being dealt with in FAL Bulletins Nos. 171 and 175, respectively.
Resumo:
Includes bibliography.
Resumo:
Foreword by Alicia Bárcena.
Resumo:
United States Trade Developments 2013-2014, is an annual report prepared by the ECLAC Washington Office. It provides an overview of the most relevant trade developments in the United States trade relations with Latin America and the Caribbean and the measures that inhibit the free flow of goods among countries in the Western Hemisphere. The report presents trade figures and trends over the last few years to illustrate the nature of the U.S. engagement through trade with the world and with the Latin America and Caribbean region. Special emphasis was given to trade among the U.S., Canada, and Mexico on the 20th anniversary of the North American Free Trade Agreement, and to trade with Brazil, the second U.S .trade partner in the region, after Mexico.
Resumo:
Despite its active embrace of trade liberalization and the maintainance of relatively open economies, CARICOM trade performance both within the region and extraregionally has been poor. The nexus between bilateral Free Trade Agreements (FTAs), Partial Scope Agreements (PSAs) and preferential trade arrangements, which was intended to assist in compensating for the small size of domestic and regional markets, while providing an additional tier of trade and economic integration, has thus far failed to deliver its intended results. This paper makes this conclusion in assessing the performance of these extraregional trade agreements and sheds light on issues not often discussed.
Resumo:
In 2014, the Dispute Settlement Body (DSB) of the World Trade Organization (WTO) adopted seven panel reports and six Appellate Body rulings. Two of the cases relate to anti-dumping measures. Three cases, comprising five complaints, are of particular interest and these are summarized and discussed below. China – Rare Earths further refines the relationship between protocols of accession and the general provisions of WTO agreements, in particular the exceptions of Article XX GATT. Recourse to that provision is no longer excluded but depends on a careful case-by-case analysis. While China failed to comply with the conditions for export restrictions, the case reiterates the problem of insufficiently developed disciplines on export restrictions on strategic minerals and other commodities in WTO law. EC – Seals Products is a landmark case for two reasons. Firstly, it limits the application of the Agreement on Technical Barriers to Trade (TBT Agreement) resulting henceforth in a narrow reading of technical regulations. Normative rules prescribing conditions for importation are to be dealt with under the rules of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) instead. Secondly, the ruling permits recourse to public morals in justifying import restrictions essentially on the basis of process and production methods (PPMs). Meanwhile, the more detailed implications for extraterritorial application of such rules and for the concept of PPMs remain open as these key issues were not raised by the parties to the case. Peru – Agricultural Products adds to the interpretation of the Agreement on Agriculture (AoA), but most importantly, it confirms the existing segregation of WTO law and the law of free trade agreements. The case is of particular importance for Switzerland in its relations with the European Union (EU). The case raises, but does not fully answer, the question whether in a bilateral agreement, Switzerland or the EU can, as a matter of WTO law, lawfully waive their right of lodging complaints against each other under WTO law within the scope of their bilateral agreement, for example the Agreement on Agriculture where such a clause exists.
Resumo:
Leg 164 of the Ocean Drilling Program was designed to investigate the occurrence of gas hydrate in the sedimentary section beneath the Blake Ridge on the southeastern continental margin of North America. Sites 994, 995, and 997 were drilled on the Blake Ridge to refine our understanding of the in situ characteristics of natural gas hydrate. Because gas hydrate is unstable at surface pressure and temperature conditions, a major emphasis was placed on the downhole logging program to determine the in situ physical properties of the gas hydrate-bearing sediments. Downhole logging tool strings deployed on Leg 164 included the Schlumberger quad-combination tool (NGT, LSS/SDT, DIT, CNT-G, HLDT), the Formation MicroScanner (FMS), and the Geochemical Combination Tool (GST). Electrical resistivity (DIT) and acoustic transit-time (LSS/SDT) downhole logs from Sites 994, 995, and 997 indicate the presence of gas hydrate in the depth interval between 185 and 450 mbsf on the Blake Ridge. Electrical resistivity log calculations suggest that the gas hydrate-bearing sedimentary section on the Blake Ridge may contain between 2 and 11 percent bulk volume (vol%) gas hydrate. We have determined that the log-inferred gas hydrates and underlying free-gas accumulations on the Blake Ridge may contain as much as 57 trillion m**3 of gas.
Resumo:
Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) are increasingly more concerned with regulatory convergence, rather than trade liberalisation through elimination of tariffs. This appears to result more often in so-called dynamic trade agreements, which still evolve after adoption. Further economic integration in democracies, however, depends on the support of the constituency. This article takes a closer look at the democratic legitimation of global economic integration in a case study on Switzerland. It finds that the current principles and institutions of democracy in Switzerland are unlikely to fully accommodate the new regulatory challenges of dynamic FTAs.
Resumo:
This study maps out the degree of services trade liberalization by the APEC members toward achieving a Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific (FTAAP) and makes some comparative analyses. The study finds that the commitment level differs greatly between sensitive and less sensitive sectors, and that the commitment level under the ASEAN Framework Agreement (AFAS) package 8 is the highest among the four FTAs studied. It also finds that there are cross-country and sector-wide similarities in the pattern of service sector commitment under and across each of the FTAs; this implies that the shared domestic sensitivities can be overcome by an APEC-wide economic cooperation scheme for enhancing competitiveness (through, e.g., the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement or TPP).
Resumo:
This paper looks at the trade policy landscape of the EU and the wider Europe, with a focus on issues arising from the signature on 27 June 2014 of Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreements (DCFTAs) between the EU and three East European countries (Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine), and actual or prospective issues relating to the customs union of Belarus, Russia and Kazakhstan (BRK), and the Eurasian Economic Union whose founding treaty was signed on 29 May 2014. The huge expansion of intercontinental free trade area negotiations currently underway, in which the EU is an active participant alongside much of the Americas and Asia, stands in contrast with Russia’s choice to restrict itself to the Eurasian Economic Union, which is only a marginal extension of its own economy. Alone among the major economies in the world, Russia does not seek to integrate economically with any major economic bloc, which should be a matter of serious concern for Moscow. Within the wider Europe, the EU’s DCFTAs with Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia are a major new development, but Russia now threatens trade sanctions against Ukraine in particular, the economic case for which seems unfounded and whose unilateral application would also impair the customs union. The Belarus-Russia-Kazakhstan customs union itself poses several issues of compatibility with the rules of the WTO, which in turn are viewed by the EU as an impediment to discussing possible free trade scenarios with the customs union, although currently there are far more fundamental political impediments to any consideration of such ideas. Nonetheless, this paper looks at various long-term scenarios, if only as a reminder that there could be much better alternatives to the present context of conflict around Ukraine.
Resumo:
While EU and US sanctions against Russia over its aggression in Ukraine, and Russia’s counter-sanctions, are much discussed due to their evident political significance, less attention has been given to Russia’s punitive sanctions against the three Eastern European states – Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia – that have signed with the EU Association Agreements (AA), which include Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA) provisions. This paper therefore documents these trade policy restrictions and embargoes imposed by Russia, and provides some first indications of their impact. The immediate impact on trade flows, especially for agri-food products, has been substantial, albeit with some leakage through Belarus. The main instrument for the Russian measures has been allegations of non-conformity with Russian technical standards, although the correlation of these allegations with movements in Russia’s geopolitical postures makes it obvious that the Russian technical agencies are following political guidelines dressed up as scientific evidence. These measures also push the three states into diversifying their trade marketing efforts in favour of the EU and other world markets, with Georgia already having taken significant steps in this direction, since in its case the Russian sanctions date back to 2006. In the case of Ukraine, Russia’s threat to cancel CIS free trade preferences infiltrated trilateral talks between the EU, Ukraine and Russia, leading on 12 September to their proposed postponement until the end of 2015 of the ‘provisional’ implementation of a large part of the AA/DCFTA. This was immediately followed on 16 September by ratification of the AA/DCFTA by both the Rada in Kyiv and the European Parliament, which will lead to its full and definitive entry into force when the 28 EU member states have also ratified it. However Putin followed the day after with a letter to Poroshenko making an abusive interpretation of the 12 September understanding.