622 resultados para Farwell Lumber Yard
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This experiment investigated the effects of providing access to grass silage on the welfare of sows introduced to a large dynamic group. Two treatments were applied: (1) access to racks containing grass silage (offering an average of 1.9 kg silage/sow/day), and (2) control treatment with no grass silage racks. Treatments 1 and 2 were applied to two separate dynamic groups, each containing 37 (2) sows. Approximately 9 sows were replaced in both groups at 3-week intervals, and each of these replacements constituted a replicate of the study. The study was replicated six times using a total of 108 sows. In a time-based cross-over design, treatments were swapped between the two dynamic groups after three replicates. Highest levels of rack usage were shown between 08:00 and 14:00 h. During peak periods, 9.8% of sows were observed at the racks at a given time. On average, 78.5% of sows observed at the racks were newly-introduced animals. Overall levels of aggression to which newly-introduced sows were exposed on the day of introduction to the group were low, and did not differ significantly between treatments (P > 0.05). In addition, injury levels measured 1-week post-introduction to the group did not differ significantly between treatments (P > 0.05). Sham chewing behaviour was more prevalent in the post-rather than the pre-feeding yard (P
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A constructed wetland at Greenmount College, Co. Antrim, N. Ireland was built in 2004 to study the treatment of ‘dirty water’ effluent from the Greenmount dairy unit. The effluent has a mean BOD5 of c.1000 mg/L and contains milking parlour wash-water and runoff from silage clamps and yard areas lightly contaminated with cattle manure. The nominal water retention time of this wetland is 100 days. The primary purposes of the wetland are to eliminate organic pollution and eutrophication risk from nitrogen and phosphorus compounds. However the wetland should also effectively remove any zoonotic pathogens present in manure and milk. Accordingly, a 12-month microbiological survey of water in the five ponds of the wetland commenced in August 2007. The aims of the survey are to determine changes, as effluent passes through the wetland system, in a broad range of indicator organisms (faecal coliforms, Escherichia coli, Enterococcus faecalis and Clostridium perfringens) and the occurrence of several pathogens - Salmonella, Campylobacter, Cryptosporidium and Mycobacterium avium subsp. paratuberculosis (Map). The highest indicator organism counts - E. coli and faecal coliforms, 103-104 CFU/ml - are observed in pond 1, and a significant reduction (1-3 log10) in all indicator organisms occurs as water passes through the wetland from pond 1 to pond 5. Hence the wetland is efficient at reducing levels of indicator organisms in the dairy effluent. Salmonella and Campylobacter spp. are being detected intermittently in all the ponds, whilst Cryptosporidium and Map have yet to be detected, and so the ability of the wetland to reduce/eliminate specific pathogens is less clear at present.
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For many decades Palaeolithic research viewed the development of early modern human behaviour as largely one of progress down a path towards the modernity of the present. The European Palaeolithic sequence the most extensively studied was for a long time the yard-stick against which records from other regions were judged. Recent work undertaken in Africa and increasingly Asia, however, now suggests that the European evidence may tell a story that is more parochial and less universal than previously thought. While tracking developments at the large scale (the grand narrative) remains important, there is growing appreciation that to achieve a comprehensive understanding of human behavioural evolution requires an archaeologically regional perspective to balance this. One of the apparent markers of human modernity that has been sought in the global Palaeolithic record, prompted by finds in the European sequence, is innovation in bonebased technologies. As one step in the process of re-evaluating and contextualizing such innovations, in this article we explore the role of prehistoric bone technologies within the Southeast Asian sequence, where they have at least comparable antiquity to Europe and other parts of Asia. We observe a shift in the technological usage of bone from a minor component to a medium of choice during the second half of the Last Termination and into the Holocene. We suggest that this is consistent with it becoming a focus of the kinds of inventive behaviour demanded of foraging communities as they adapted to the far-reaching environmental and demographic changes that were reshaping this region at that time. This record represents one small element of a much wider, much longerterm adaptive process, which we would argue is not confined to the earliest instances of a particular technology or behaviour, but which forms part of an on-going story of our behavioural evolution. © 2012 The McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research.
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The aim of this paper is to link empirical findings concerning environmental inequalities with different normative yard-sticks for assessing whether these inequalities should be deemed unjust, or not. We argue that such an inquiry must necessarily take into account some caveats regarding both empirical research and normative theory. We suggest that empirical results must be contextualised by establishing geographies of risk. As a normative yard-stick we propose a moderately demanding social-egalitarian account of justice and democratic citizenship, which we take to be best suited to identify unjust as well as legitimate instances of socio-environmental inequality.
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In 1862, Glasgow Corporation initiated the first of a series of three legislative acts which would become known collectively as the City Improvements Acts. Despite having some influence on the nature of the built fabric on the expanding city as a whole, the most extensive consequences of these acts was reserved for one specific area of the city, the remnants of the medieval Old Town. As the city had expanded towards all points of the compass in a regular, grid-iron structure throughout the nineteenth century, the Old Town remained singularly as a densely wrought fabric of medieval wynds, vennels, oblique passageways and accelerated tenementalisation. Here, as the rest of the city began to assume the form of an ordered entity, visible and classifiable, one could still find and addresses such as ‘Bridgegate, No. 29, backland, stair first left, three up, right lobby, door facing’ (quoted in Pacione, 1995).
Unsurprisingly, this place, where proximity to the midden (dung-heap) was considered an enviable position, was seen by the authorities as a major health hazard and a source not only of cholera, but also of the more alarming typhoid epidemic of 1842. Accordingly, the demolitions which occurred in the backlands of the Old Town under the first of the acts, the Glasgow Police Act of 1862, were justified on health and medical grounds. But disease was not the only social problem thought to issue from this district. Reports from social reformers including Fredrick Engels suggested that the decay of the area’s physical fabric could be extended to the moral profile of its inhabitants. This was in such a state of degeneracy that there were calls for a nearby military barracks to be relocated to more salubrious climes because troops were routinely coming into contact ‘with the most dissolute and profligate portion of the population’ (Peter Clonston, Lord Provost, June 1861). Perhaps more worrying for the city fathers, however, was that the barracks’ arsenal was seen as a potential source of arms for the militant and often illegal cotton workers’ unions and organisations who inhabited the Old Town as well as the districts to the east. In fact, the Old Town and East End had been the site of numerous working class actions and riots since 1787, including a strike of 60,000 workers in 1820, 100,000 in 1838, and the so-called Bread Riots of 1848 where shouts of ‘Vive La Revolution’ were reported in the Gallowgate.
The events in Paris in 1848 precipitated Baron Hausmann’s interventions into that city. The boulevards were in turn visited by members of Glasgow Corporation and ultimately, it can be argued, provided an example for Old Town Glasgow. This paper suggests that the city improvement acts carried a similarly complex and pervasive agenda, one which embodied not only health, class conflict and sexual morality but also the more local condition of sectarianism. And, like in Paris, these were played out spatially in a extensive reconfiguration of the urban fabric of the Old Town which, through the creation of new streets and a railway yard, not only made it more amenable to large scale military manoeuvres but also, opened up the area to capitalist accumulation. By the end of the works, the medieval heritage of the Old Town had been almost completely razed, the working class and Catholic East End had, through the insertion of the railway yard, been isolated from the city centre and approximately 70,000 people had been made homeless.
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Pine wilt disease (PWD) is perhaps the most serious threat to pine forests worldwide. Since it´s discovery in the early XXth century by Japanese forest researchers, and the relationship with its causative agent, the pinewood nematode (PWN) Bursaphelenchus xylophilus, in the 1970s, PWD has wreaked havoc wherever it appears. Firstly in the Far East (Japan, China and Korea) and now, more recently in 1999, in the EU (Portugal). The forest sector in Portugal plays a major role in the Portuguese economy with a 12% contribution to the industrial gross domestic product, 3.2% of the gross domestic product, 10% of foreign trade and 5% of national employment. Maritime pine (Pinus pinaster) is one of the most important pine productions, and industrial activity, such as the production of wood and resin, as well as coastal protection associated with sand dunes. Also, stone pine (Pinus pinea) plays an important role in the economy with a share derived from the exports of high-quality pineon seed. Thus, the tremendous economical and ecological impact of the introduction of a pest and pathogen such as the PWN, although as far as is known, the only species susceptible to the nematode is maritime pine. Immediately following detection, the research team involved (Univ. Évora, INIAP) informed the national plant quarantine and forest authorities, which relayed the information to Brussels and the appropriate EU authorities. A task force (GANP), followed by a national program (PROLUNP) was established. Since then, national surveys have been taking place, involving MADRP (Ministry of Agriculture), the University of Évora and several private corporations (e.g. UNAC). Forest growers in the area are particularly interested and involved since the area owned by the growers organizations totals 700 000 ha, largely affected by PWD. Detection of the disease has led to serious consequences and restrictions regarding exploration and commercialization of wood. A precautionary phytosanitary strip, 3 km-wide, has been recently (2007) established surrounding the affected area. The Portuguese government, through its national program PROLUNP, has been deeply involved since 1999, and in conjunction with the EU (Permanent Phytosanitary Committee, and FVO) and committed to controlling this nematode and the potential spread to the rest of the country and to the rest of the EU. The global impact of the presence of Bursaphelenchus xylophilus or the threat of its introduction and the resulting pine wilt disease in forested areas in different parts of the world is of increasing concern economically. The concern is exacerbated by the prevailing debate on climate change and the putative impact this could have on the vulnerability of the world’s pine forests to this disease. The scientific and regulatory approach taken in different jurisdictions to the threat of pine wilt disease varies from country to country depending on the perceived vulnerability of their pine forests to the disease and/or to the economic cost due to lost trade in wood products. Much of the research surrounding pine wilt disease has been located in the northern hemisphere, especially in southern Europe and in the warmer, coastal, Asian countries. However, there is an increased focus on this problem also in those countries in the southern hemisphere where plantations of susceptible pine have been established over the years. The forestry sector in Australia and New Zealand are on “high alert” for this disease and are practicing strict quarantine procedures at all ports of entry for wood products. As well, there is heightened awareness, as there is worldwide, for the need to monitor wood packaging materials for all imported goods. In carrying out the necessary monitoring and assessment of products for B. xylophilus and its vectors substantial costs are incurred especially when decisions have to be made rapidly and regardless of whether the outcome is positive or negative. Australia’s response recently to the appearance of some dying pines in a plantation illustrated the high sensitivity of some countries to this disease. Some $200,000 was spent on the assessment in order to save a potential loss of millions of dollars to the disease. This rapid, co-ordinated response to the report was for naught, because once identified it was found not to be B. xylophilus. This illustrates the particular importance of taking the responsibility at all levels of management to secure the site and the need of a rapid, reliable diagnostic method for small nematode samples for use in the field. Australia is particularly concerned about the vulnerability of its 1million hectares of planted forests, 80% of which are Pinus species, to attack from incursions of one or more species of the insect vector. Monochamus alternatus incursions in wood pallets have been reported from Brisbane, Queensland. The climate of this part of Australia is such that the Pinus plantations are particularly vulnerable to the potential outcome of such incursions, and the state of Queensland is developing a risk management strategy and a proactive breeding programme in response to this putative threat. New Zealand has 1.6 million hectares of planted forests and 89% of the commercial forest is Pinus radiata. Although the climate where these forests are located tends to be somewhat cooler than that in Australia the potential for establishment and development of the disease in that country is believed to be high. The passage alone of 200,000 m³/year of wood packaging through New Zealand ports is itself sufficient to require response. The potential incursion of insect vectors of pinewood nematode through the port system is regarded as high and is monitored carefully. The enormous expansion of global trade and the continued use of unprocessed/inadequately-processed wood for packaging purposes is a challenge for all trading nations as such wood packaging material often harbours disease or pest species. The extent of this problem is readily illustrated by the expanding economies and exports of countries in south-east Asia. China. Japan and Korea have significant areas of forestland infested with B. xylophilus. These countries too are among the largest exporting countries of manufactured goods. Despite the attempts of authorities to ensure that only properly treated wood is used in the crating and packaging of goods B. xylophilus and/or its insect vector infested materials is being recorded at ports worldwide. This reminds us, therefore, of the ease with which this nematode pest can gain access to forest lands in new geographic locations through inappropriate use, treatment or monitoring of wood products. It especially highlights the necessity to find an alternative to using low-grade lumber for packaging purposes. Lest we should believe that all wood products are always carriers of B. xylophilus and its vectors, it should be remembered that international trade of all kinds has occurred for thousands of years and that lumber-born pests and diseases do not have worldwide distribution. Other physico-biological factors have a significant role in the occurrence, establishment and sustainability of a disease. The question is often raised as to why the whole of southern Europe doesn’t already have B. xylophilus and pine wilt disease. European countries have traded with countries that are infested with B. xylophilus for hundreds of years. Turkey is an example of a country that appears to be highly vulnerable to pine wilt disease due to its extensive forests in the warm, southern region where the vector, Monochamus galloprovincialis, occurs. However, there is no record of the presence of B. xylophilus occurring there despite the importation of substantial quantities of wood from several countries In many respects, Portugal illustrates both the challenge and the dilemma. In recent times B. xylophilus was discovered there in the warm coastal region. The research, administrative and quarantine authorities responded rapidly and B. xylophilus appears to have been confined to the region in which it was found. The rapid response would seem to have “saved the day” for Portugal. Nevertheless, it raises again the long-standing questions, how long had B. xylophilus been in Portugal before it was found? If Lisbon was the port of entry, which seems very likely, why had B. xylophilus not entered Lisbon many years earlier and established populations and the pine wilt disease? Will the infestation in Portugal be sustainable and will it spread or will it die out within a few years? We still do not have sufficient understanding of the biology of this pest to know the answers to these questions.
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The Cappadocian variety of Ulaghátsh is unique among the Greek-speaking world in having lost the inherited preposition ‘se’. The innovation is found with both locative and allative uses and has af-ected both syntactic contexts in which ‘se’ was originally found, that is, as a simple preposition (1) and as the left-occurring member of circumpositions of the type ‘se’ + NP + spatial adverb (2). (1) a. tránse ci [to meidán] en ávʝa see.PST.3SG COMP ART.DEF.SG.ACC yard.SG.ACC COP.3 game.PL.NOM ‘he saw that in the yard is some game’ (Dawkins 1916: 348) b. ta erʝó da qardáʃa évɣan [to qonáq] ART.DEF.PL.NOM two ART.DEF.PL.NOM friend.PL.NOM ascend.PST.3PL ART.DEF.SG.ACC house.SG.ACC ‘the two friends went up to the house’ (Dawkins 1916: 354) (2) émi [ta qonáca mésa], kiríʃde [to ʝasdɯ́q píso] enter.PST.3SG ART.DEF.PL.NOM house.PL.ACC inside hide.PST.3SG. ART.DEF.SG.ACC cushion.SG.ACC behind ‘he went into the houses and hid behind the cushions’ (Dawkins 1916: 348) In this paper, we set out to provide (a) a diachronic account of the loss of ‘se’ in Asia Minor Greek, and (b) a synchronic analysis of its ramifications for the encoding of the semantic and grammatical functions it had prior to its loss. The diachronic development of ‘se’ is traced by comparing the Ulaghátsh data with those obtained from Cappadocian varieties that have neither lost it nor do they show signs of losing it and, crucially, also from varieties in which ‘se’ is in the process of being lost. The comparative analysis shows that the loss first became manifest in circumpositions in which ‘se’ was preposed to the complement to which in turn a wide range of adverbs expressing topological relations were postposed (émi sa qonáca mésa > émi ta qonáca mésa). This finding is accounted for in terms of Sinha and Kuteva’s (1995) distributed spatial semantics framework, which accepts that the elements involved in the constructions under investigation—the verb (émi), ‘se’ and the spatial adverb (mésa)—all contribute to the expression of the spatial relational meaning but with differences in weighting. Of the three, ‘eis’ made the most minimal contribution, the bulk of it being distributed over the verb and the adverb. This allowed for it to be optionally dropped from circumpositions, a stage attested in Phlo-tá Cappadocian and Silliot, and to be later completely abandoned, originally in allative and subsequently in locative contexts (earlier: évɣan so qonáq > évɣan to qonáq; later: so meidán en ávʝa > to meidán en ávʝa). The earlier loss in allative contexts is also dealt with in distributed semantics terms as verbs of motion such as έβγαν are semantically more loaded than vacuous verbs like the copula and therefore the preposition could be left out in the former context more easily than in the latter. The analysis also addresses the possibility that the loss of ‘se’ may ultimately originate in substandard forms of Medieval Greek, which according to Tachibana (1994) displayed SPATIAL ADVERB + NP constructions. Applying the semantic map model (Croft 2003, Haspelmath 2003), the synchronic analysis of the varieties that retain ‘se’ reveals that—like many other allative markers crosslinguistically—it displays a pattern of multifunctionality in expressing nine different functions (among others allative, locative, recipient, addressee, experiencer), which can be mapped against four domains, viz. the spatiotemporal, the social, the mental and the logicotextual (cf. Rice & Kabata 2007). In Ulaghátsh Cappadocian, none of these functions is overtly marked as such. In cases like (1), the intended spatial relational meaning is arrived at through the combination of the syntax and the inherent semantics of the verb and the zero-marked NP as well as from the context. In environments of the type exemplified by (2), the adverb contributes further to the correct interpretation. The analysis additionally shows that, despite the loss of ‘se’, Ulaghátsh patterns with all other Cappadocian varieties in one important aspect: Goal and Location are expressed similarly (by zero in Ulaghátsh, by ‘se’ in the other varieties) whereas Source is being kept distinct (expressed by ‘apó’ in all varieties). Goal-Location polysemy is very common across the world’s languages and, most crucially, prevails over other possible polysemies in the tripartite distinction Source—Location—Goal (Lestrade 2010, Nikitina 2009). Taking into account this empirical observation, our findings suggest that the reor-anisation of spatial systems can have a local effect—in our case the loss of a member of the prepositional paradigm—but will keep the original global picture intact, thus conforming to crosslinguistically robust tendencies. References Croft, W. 2001. Radical Construction Grammar: Syntactic Theory in Typological Perspective. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Dawkins, R. M. 1916. Modern Greek in Asia Minor: A Study of the Dialects of Sílli, Cappadocia and Phárasa with Grammar, Texts, Translations and Glossary. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Haspelmath, M. 2003. The geometry of grammatical meaning: semantic maps and cross-linguistic comparison. In M. Tomasello (Ed.), The New Psychology of Language, Volume 2. New York: Erlbaum, 211–243. Lestrade, S. 2010. The Space of Case. Doctoral dissertation. Radboud University Nijmegen. Nikitina, T. 2009. Subcategorization pattern and lexical meaning of motion verbs: a study of the source/goal ambiguity. Linguistics 47, 1113–1141. Rice, S. & K. Kabata. 2007. Cross-linguistic grammaticalization patterns of the allative. Linguistic Typology 11, 451–514. Sinha, C. & T. Kuteva. 1995. Distributed spatial semantics. Nordic Journal of Linguistics 18:2, 167–199. Tachibana, T. 1994. Syntactic structure of spatial expressions in the “Late Byzantine Prose Alexander Romance”. Propylaia 6, 35–51.
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An experimental and Finite Element study was performed on the bending behaviour of wood beams of the Pinus Pinaster species repaired with adhesively-bonded carbon–epoxy patches, after sustaining damage by cross-grain failure. This damage is characterized by crack growth at a small angle to the beams longitudinal axis, due to misalignment between the wood fibres and the beam axis. Cross-grain failure can occur in large-scale in a wood member when trees that have grown spirally or with a pronounced taper are cut for lumber. Three patch lengths were tested. The simulations include the possibility of cohesive fracture of the adhesive layer, failure within the wood beam in two propagation planes and patch interlaminar failure, by the use of cohesive zone modelling. The respective cohesive properties were estimated either by an inverse method or from the literature. The comparison with the tests allowed the validation of the proposed methodology, opening a good perspective for the reduction of costs in the design stages of these repairs due to extensive experimentation.
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No presente trabalho apresenta-se um levantamento com base na literatura especializada, das diversas soluções estruturais em betão pré-fabricado existentes, aplicadas em edifícios correntes, mais especificamente as soluções ao nível dos elementos que as constituem, nomeadamente no que respeita a ligações estruturais dos elementos, com combinações in situ, das estruturas préfabricadas e as moldadas em obra, aproveitando o que de melhor se pode obter de ambas as técnicas, com vista a obter um melhor resultado final. Apesar do setor da construção civil estar em crise, tal como vários outros setores, as empresas de pré-fabricação apresentam soluções que poderão contrariar esta tendência, nomeadamente através da diversificação e flexibilização da sua produção, com inovação, criatividade e elevada qualidade. Num mercado em que a construção de edifícios de raiz sofreu um grande abrandamento, começa a surgir no mercado a necessidade de se reabilitar as construções existentes, nomeadamente nos grandes centros das cidades que foram perdendo população ao longo dos tempos. Esta requalificação do espaço urbano permite o desenvolvimento de soluções estruturais pré-fabricadas, no que respeita à reabilitação dos elementos existentes, quer por justaposição para reforço das estruturas, quer por inserção de elementos novos para efetuar correções. Os baixos custos de mão de obra, equipamentos e estaleiro, assim como a redução dos prazos de construção e entrega ao cliente final, dado que a produção não está dependente das condições existentes in situ para se desenvolver, destacam-se da construção civil tradicional. A produção integral dos elementos pré-fabricados de betão em fábrica tem outras vantagens, entre as quais, um melhor planeamento e controle da segurança, um controle rigoroso de qualidade, a redução dos custos de reparação e manutenção, melhor sustentabilidade com redução da quantidade de resíduos produzidos.
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Background. West Nile Virus (WNV), a mosquito-borne flavivirus, is one of an increasing number of infectious diseases that have been emerging or re-emerging in the last two decades. Since the arrival ofWNV to Canada to present date, the Niagara Region has only reported 30 clinical cases, a small number compared to the hundreds reported in other regions of similar conditions. Moreover, the last reported human case in Niagara was in 2006. As it has been demonstrated that the majority of WNV infections are asymptomatic, the question remains whether the lack of clinical cases in Niagara truly reflects the lack of transmission to humans or if infections are still occurring but are mostly asymptomatic. Objectives. The general objective of this study was to establish whether or not active WNV transmission could be detected in a human population residing in Niagara for the 2007 transmission season. To fullfil this objective, a cross-sectional seroprevalence study was designed to investigate for the presence of anti-WNV antibodies in a sample of Mexican migrant agricultural workers employed in farms registered with the Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program (SAWP). Due to the Mexican origin of the study participants, three specific research objectives were proposed: a) determine the seroprevalence ofanti-WNV antibodies as well as anti-Dengue virus antibodies (a closely related virus prevalent in Mexico and likely to confound WNV serology); b) analyze risk factors associated with WNV and Dengue virus seropositivity; and c) assess the awareness of study participants about WNV infection as well as their understanding of the mode of transmission and clinical importance of the infection. Methodology: After obtaining ethics clearance from Brock University, farms were visited and workers invited to participate. Due to time constraints, only a small number of farms were enrolled with a resulting convenience and non-randomized study sample. Workers' demographic and epidemiological data were collected using a standardized questionnaire and blood samples were drawn to determine serum anti-WNV and anti- Dengue antibodies with a commercial ELISA. All positive samples were sent to the National Microbiology Laboratory in Winnipeg, Manitoba for confirmation with the Plaque Reduction Neutralization Test (PRNT). Data was analyzed with Stata 10.0. Antibody determinations were reported as seroprevalence proportions for both WNV and Dengue. Logistic regression was used to analyze risk factors that may be associated with seropositivity and awareness was reported as a proportion of the number of individuals possessing awareness over the total number of participants. Results and Discussion. In total 92 participants working in 5 farms completed the study. Using the commercial ELISA, seropositivity was as follows: 2.2% for WNV IgM, 20.7% for WNV IgG, and 17.1 % for Dengue IgG. Possible cross-reactivity was demonstrated in 15/20 (75.0%) samples that were positive for both WNV IgG and Dengue IgG. Confirmatory testing with the PRNT demonstrated that none of the WNV ELISA positive samples had antibodies to WNV but 13 samples tested positive for anti-Dengue antibodies (14.1 % Dengue sereoprevalence). The findings showed that the ELISA performance was very poor for assessing anti-WNV antibodies in individuals previously exposed to Dengue virus. However, the ELISA had better sensitivity and specificity for assessing anti-Dengue antibodies. Whereas statistical analysis could not be done for WNV seropositivity, as all samples were PRNT negative, logistic regression demonstrated several risk factors for Dengue exposure_ The first year coming to Canada appeared to be significantly associated with increased exposure to Dengue while lower socio-economic housing and the presence of a water basin in the yard in Mexico appeared to be significantly associated with a decreased exposure to Dengue_ These seemingly contradictory results illustrate that in mobile populations such as migrant workers, risk factors for exposure to Dengue are not easily identified and more research is needed. Assessing the awareness of WNV and its clinical importance showed that only 23% of participants had some knowledge of WNV, of which 76% knew that the infection was mosquito-borne and 47% recognized fever as a symptom. The identified lack of understanding and awareness was not surprising since WNV is not a visible disease in Mexico. Since WNV persists in an enzootic cycle in Niagara and the occurrence of future outbreaks is unpredictable, the agricultural workers remain at risk for transmission. Therefore it important they receive sufficient health education regarding WNV before leaving Mexico and during their stay in Canada. Conclusions. Human transmission of WNV could not be proven among the study participants even when due to their occupation they are at high risk for mosquito bites. The limitations of the study sample do not permit generalizable conclusions, however, the study findings are consistent with the absence of clinical cases in the Niagara Region, so it is likely that human transmission is indeed neglible or absent. As evidenced by our WNV serology results, PRNT must be utilized as a confirmatory test since false positivity occurs frequently. This is especially true when previous exposure to Dengue virus is likely.
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In March 1931, Captain Bruce Angus was sent to Sarnia by Gordon C. Leitch, general manager of Toronto Elevators. He was sent to inspect the Sarnian to ensure it was still seaworthy. Leitch was a savvy business man, who had been active in the business community for a number of years. Leitch began his career with a partner in the lumber business. When that went under he moved into graineries and worked for the Winnipeg Wheat Pool for 12 years. After Winnipeg he moved to Toronto, which was closer to his home town of Ridgetown, Ontario. In Toronto Leitch became manager of the Toronto branch of the Canadian Wheat Pool. While managing the wheat pools in Toronto Leitch became aware of huge costs associated with shipping the grains from the praries into the Toronto area. He felt that there was no need for such costs and decided to do something to make them better and cheaper for the business. Originally the grain was loaded onto Lakers that would bring the grain from the praries to Lake Huron and Georgian Bay. It was stored there until needed by the Toronto graineries and then hauled across land by either truck or train. The land journey was the most expensive and the one which Leitch wanted to eliminate. This was a fine plan except for 2 obstacles that were quickly overcome. First of all the Welland canals were not large enough to accommodate the large carriers that were bringing in the grain. This was changing as the expansion and widening of the canals was already underway. The second issue was the lack of storage in Toronto for the grain. The grain elevators had been destroyed by fire in the late 1880s and never replaced. Leitch propsed his company built its own storage elevators along the water front to allow not only for easier access to the grain, and more timely production of products. The elevators would aslo create a reduction in shipping costs and an overall more competitoive price for the customers of the grainery. The company refused, so Leitch went elsewhere to friends and contacts within the grain industry. The elevators were built and Leitch quit his job with the Canadian Wheat Pool and became the general manager of the elevators. Although the elevators were built and ready for storage the next issue was filling them. None of the carriers wanted to do business with Leitch because the competition in Georgian Bay threatened to cancel their contracts if they did. Leitch saw no way around this, but to provide his own transportation. This is when he sent Captain Bruce Angus to scout out potential ships. The ship was purchased for $37,000 and after another $30,000 was spent to fix it up, it was ready for business. The need for transportation and the finding of a seaworthy ship, lead to the beginnings of the Northland Steamship Company. The Sarnian proved to not be enough for the business underway. Leitch decided another ship was necessary. He joined forces with James Norris the owner of the Norris Grain Company. He proposed they join forces to create a more economical means of transportating their products.
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Serving the Niagara and surrounding areas for over 120 years, Walker Industries has made its impact not only commercially, but also culturally. Beginning in 1875 with the erection of a stone sawing mill on a property John Walker purchased from the Welland Canal Loan Company. One of the first projects Walker cut stone for was the Merritton Town Hall. In 1882 the business expanded to include Walkers children, changing the name to Walker & Sons. Eventually in 1887 the two eldest sons took control of the business operation and their partnership changed the company’s name to Walker Brothers, the same year the company began operating its first quarry. The quarry was conveniently located alongside the 3rd Welland canal, offering easy access to Toronto and Hamilton. It was also close to the railway system which allowed immediate access to Thorold and Niagara Falls and later access to parts of Ontario and Quebec. The quarry supplied stone to build numerous halls and armouries across Ontario. A use was also found for the ‘waste products’ of cutting the limestone. Leftover stone chips were sent to paper mills, where stone was needed as part of the sulphite pulp process for making paper. Beginning to supply the Ontario Paper Company with stone in 1913, meant not only long, hard, work, but also more profit for the company. Before mechanization, most of the loading and unloading of the stone was done by hand, taking 19 man-hours to load an 18 yard railway car. Mechanization followed in 1947 when the plant became fully mechanized making the work easier and increasing production rates. In 1957 the company moved from its original location and opened the St. Catharines Crushed Stone Plant.
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The site of present-day St. Catharines was settled by 3000 United Empire Loyalists at the end of the 18th century. From 1790, the settlement (then known as "The Twelve") grew as an agricultural community. St. Catharines was once referred to Shipman's Corners after Paul Shipman, owner of a tavern that was an important stagecoach transfer point. In 1815, leading businessman William Hamilton Merritt abandoned his wharf at Queenston and set up another at Shipman's Corners. He became involved in the construction and operation of several lumber and gristmills along Twelve Mile Creek. Shipman's Corners soon became the principal milling site of the eastern Niagara Peninsula. At about the same time, Merritt began to develop the salt springs that were discovered along the river which subsequently gave the village a reputation as a health resort. By this time St. Catharines was the official name of the village; the origin of the name remains obscure, but is thought to be named after Catharine Askin Robertson Hamilton, wife of the Hon. Robert Hamilton, a prominent businessman. Merritt devised a canal scheme from Lake Erie to Lake Ontario that would provide a more reliable water supply for the mills while at the same time function as a canal. He formed the Welland Canal Company, and construction took place from 1824 to 1829. The canal and the mills made St. Catharines the most important industrial centre in Niagara. By 1845, St. Catharines was incorporated as a town, with the town limits extending in 1854. Administrative and political functions were added to St. Catharines in 1862 when it became the county seat of Lincoln. In 1871, construction began on the third Welland Canal, which attracted additional population to the town. As a consequence of continual growth, the town limits were again extended. St. Catharines attained city status in 1876 with its larger population and area. Manufacturing became increasingly important in St. Catharines in the early 1900s with the abundance of hydro-electric power, and its location on important land and water routes. The large increase in population after the 1900s was mainly due to the continued industrialization and urbanization of the northern part of the city and the related expansion of business activity. The fourth Welland Canal was opened in 1932 as the third canal could no longer accommodate the larger ships. The post war years and the automobile brought great change to the urban form of St. Catharines. St. Catharines began to spread its boundaries in all directions with land being added five times during the 1950s. The Town of Merritton, Village of Port Dalhousie and Grantham Township were all incorporated as part of St. Catharines in 1961. In 1970 the Province of Ontario implemented a regional approach to deal with such issues as planning, pollution, transportation and services. As a result, Louth Township on the west side of the city was amalgamated, extending the city's boundary to Fifteen Mile Creek. With its current population of 131,989, St. Catharines has become the dominant centre of the Niagara region. Source: City of St. Catharines website http://www.stcatharines.ca/en/governin/HistoryOfTheCity.asp (January 27, 2011)
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Survey map of the Second Welland Canal created by the Welland Canal Company showing the areas in and around Port Dalhousie and Grantham Township. Identified structures associated with the Canal include Lock 1, East and West Piers, Collector's Office, Lock Tender's House and the new towing path. The surveyors' measurements and notes can be seen in red and black ink and pencil. Local area landmarks and businesses are also identified and include streets and roads (ex. Road to St. Catharines, Side Line, Old Road to Port Dalhousie, Road to Niagara), the Welland Railway and its structures (ex. freight sheds, wood shed, raised platform, elevator, cranes, water tank, turn table, and passenger station), G. A. Clark's Wood Yard, Clark's Wood Office, Alex Muir's Dry Dock, Donald, Andrews and Ross' Dry Dock, RandJ Laurie Flouring Mill, R. Laurie and Company Grist Mill and A. Morrison Saw Mill. A New Road to St. Catharines is featured in red ink. Properties and property owners of note are: Concession 1 Lots 19, 20 and 21, John Christie, and John Clark.
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Survey map of the Second Welland Canal created by the Welland Canal Company showing the Grantham Township just southeast of the Town of St. Catharines. Identified structures associated with the Canal include Locks 5, 6, and 7, two Lock House Lots, Small Lock House, waste weir, and the towing path. The surveyors' measurements and notes can be seen in red and black ink and pencil. Local area landmarks are also identified and include roads (ex. Road to Thorold), Dicks Creek, R. Collier's Saw Mill, a gate yard, paper mill, grist mill, store house, and a barn. Properties and property owners of note are: Concession 7 Lots 13, 14, and 15, R. Collier, Orson Phelps, and a Mill Lot leased to Richard Collier.