Traslaciones Poéticas: un recorrido por la Friedrichstrasse de Mies van der Rohe en 1921. Arquitectura, fotografía y cine, la percepción en la arquitectura

El presente ensayo pretende aportar una reflexión sobre el amplio territorio de la imagen en la arquitectura hoy. Para ello un buen ejemplo es el proyecto del Rascacielos de la Friedrichstrasse, realizado por Mies van der Rohe en el periodo de entre guerras de 1921/22. Muchas son las razones que han hecho de esta obra la elegida, pero una más actual sobresale del resto: que de los cientos de ensayos vertidos sobre esta obra solo se haya comentado -salvo alguna excepción- las características objetuales de lo directamente descrito por las vistas -como si fuera un fiel reflejo de la realidad- sin entrar a analizar la verdadera naturaleza física y simbólica de lo representado como expresión subjetiva –espacial- de una arquitectura. Si su importancia como punto de inflexión en el desarrollo inicial de una obra plenamente moderna es un motivo más que suficiente para dedicarle un estudio pormenorizado, ya que puede resultar crucial para comprender los inicios del autor en el Movimiento Moderno. Su presencia como un reducido conjunto de cuatro vistas perspectivas, mezcla de una fotografía del lugar y de un dibujo realizado sobre la misma, acarrea en nuestra opinión significaciones igual de importantes para la comprensión de esta arquitectura que todas aquellas ideas descritas sobre las mismas. Creadas en una época seminal, cuando el lenguaje de la fotografía y el cine están en pleno desarrollo, se puede afirmar que el conjunto de representaciones del Rascacielos de la Friedrichstrasse forman parte como referente histórico de una de las primeras arquitecturas virtuales que pertenecen de pleno derecho al Movimiento Moderno. Paradigma de las más absoluta actualidad, por encontrarse en esa frontera de lo nunca realizado, pero sí asumible espacialmente como realidad fotográfica, las imágenes del rascacielos se pueden considerar así como una de las primeras reflexiones sobre la naturaleza virtual del proyecto arquitectónico postindustrial. No siendo novedoso que la descripción fotográfica de una obra absorba y comunique por sí misma las múltiples propiedades que esta posee, como tampoco lo es que la mayoría de arquitecturas se den por conocidas actualmente a través de los medios. Sorprende que hasta hoy no se hayan analizado con la misma intensidad las múltiples razones que dieron lugar a unas imágenes cuya poética da forma por igual a la arquitectura que representan. Si la intención es reflexionar así sobre este hecho contemporáneo mediante un ejemplo paradigmático, certificado por la historia, nos veremos obligados a emplear una metodología acorde a la condición dual que toda imagen mediatizada produce en su lectura como mezcla fluctuante entre lo que se interpreta de manera autónoma a través de lo representado y de los significados que la imagen adquiere a lo largo de su recorrido como referente histórico. Esta ambivalencia interpretativa llevará a organizar este ensayo mediante dos bloques claramente diferenciados que, complementarios entre sí, siguen el orden de lectura que toda imagen de una arquitectura ofrece a través de los medios. Así, una primera parte, titulada La imagen de una arquitectura, analiza la interpretación que la historia y el autor han dado al rascacielos por medio de su uso en las diferentes exposiciones, revistas, tratados de estilos y monografías de las que ha formado parte. Este recorrido, que es el verdadero espacio donde estas arquitecturas residen, limitado -por una cuestión de poner orden- al estudio a los países que acogieron en vida al autor, servirá para establecer una primera narrativa que expone las diferentes posiciones que la crítica ha producido a lo largo del tiempo. La presencia del primer rascacielos junto al segundo, en la publicación que el arquitecto realiza de manera temprana en Frühlicht, obligará a incorporar esta segunda solución como una parte más del estudio. Cargada de las citas obligadas, de las diferentes personalidades que se han enfrentado a dichos proyectos, este primer análisis historiográfico establece un primer estado de la cuestión donde se revela una lectura ambivalente de los rascacielos. Si la interpretación directa de sus imágenes ha permitido profundizar en las características del vidrio y sus reflejos y en la desnudez de una estructura metálica como claros ejemplos de una expresión moderna y tecnológica de vidrio y el acero. Las particulares formas triangulares del primero y las formas sinuosas del segundo han dado lugar a una multitud de calificaciones, de ser ejemplo tanto de un Expresionismo como de un dadaísmo o constructivismo, que con el tiempo han ido creciendo hacia una admiración artística con una fuerte carga poética. Este lectura histórica, que remata con un breve periodo más actual donde se inicia el cuestionamiento de su carácter utópico y se recupera puntualmente su naturaleza como proyecto, servirá para plantear finalmente una serie de dudas que, sin respuesta aparente, exigen revisar la lectura de sus imágenes como parte de lo que realmente son: expresión de una nueva arquitectura que a partir de ese preciso momento entra de pleno derecho en el Movimiento Moderno. Por otro lado, la existencia en el discurso posterior del arquitecto de un proceso de formalizacion altamente valorado por su autor y la presencia de igual a igual de un lugar en las representaciones y planos de los rascacielos, que la historia parece haber obviado, servirán como razón más que suficiente para la revisión de unas relaciones iniciales con la vanguardia -todavía hoy poco definidas- así como para proponer la lectura renovada de dichas propuestas en altura por lo que también son: proyectos que responden a unas necesidades espaciales de un lugar y tiempo muy determinados. Esta segunda parte, denominada La arquitectura de una imagen, se plantea así más como una inmersión total en el mundo del proyecto que una simple descripción nominal del mismo. Conscientemente simétrica y opuesta a un primer bloque histórico, esta segunda parte -mucho más extensa y parte central de esta tesis- se concentra en el análisis de las imágenes como: aquel conjunto de eventos históricos que aplicados sobre la ciudad, el lugar, el rascacielos, y los procesos técnicos de la imagen dieron lugar a estas arquitecturas como razón de ser. Consecuentemente se tratará pues de bucear en las razones que, ocultas como proceso de formalización, llevaron a Mies a dar un paso más allá hacia a una nueva manera de hacer, ver y pensar su arquitectura, de expresar un espacio. La aproximación a estas imágenes radicará por tanto en resaltar al mismo tiempo la naturaleza de unas representaciones cuyas características fotográficas son el fiel reflejo de una época donde los nuevos medios visuales –cine y fotografía- empiezan a ser cuestionados por su excesiva utilización. La complejidad de unos hechos coincidentes en el tiempo obligará a dividir este estudio en un primer acercamiento general, a la respuesta dada por una mayoría de participantes al concurso, para así cotejar la importancia de una actitud proyectual y contextual común de Mies y sus compañeros. Mezcla de requerimientos y necesidades de la propia historia de la parcela, de las peculiaridades de un lugar y las exigencias programáticas del concurso; el siguiente paso consistirá en reconstruir el proceso de formalización del conjunto de dibujos que caracterizan ambos proyectos para así comprender los mecanismo que, suspendidos como traslaciones entre las diferentes representaciones, operan en la realización física de dichas imágenes y complementan como pensamiento la idea arquitectónica de los mismos. Con lo que se pretende ofrecer dos cosas: una interpretación que tenga en cuenta la novedosa naturaleza de la manera de pensar lo fotográfico en el arquitecto, así como la particular idiosincrasia del momento en que estas concurren. Dicho de otro modo, se realizará una aproximación de las vistas del primer rascacielos que tenga en cuenta la historia tecnológica y visual que rodea al evento y las características de una ejecución física todavía hoy sin aclarar del todo. El descubrimiento de una serie de incoherencias geométricas en las plantas, alzado y vistas del primer proyecto llevará a argumentar la presencia de un trampantojo que, nunca antes revelado, se entiende lleno de unas intenciones espaciales plenamente vanguardistas. Interpretación arquitectónica de las imágenes donde la presencia de una serie de elementos directamente ligados al lenguaje fotográfico y cinematográfico se traduce en una nueva lectura espacial plenamente dinámica llena de dislocación, ritmo y simultaneidad alejada de la idea de ver la forma como un elemento permanentemente fijo. Sugerencia que nos lleva directamente a la lectura del segundo proyecto de rascacielos como una clara continuación de lo imaginado en el primero. Para finalizar, tras una revisión biográfica -previa al proyecto- que desvela unas preocupaciones urbanas y un deseo de cambio anterior al concurso de la Friedrichstrasse, se comparan estas nuevas significaciones espaciales con una práctica de vanguardia que, coetánea a la convocatoria de 1921, demuestran unas investigaciones muy similares con unos mismos intereses cinematográficos. La lectura de las propuestas de tres artistas próximos en ese momento al arquitecto -como son Hans Richter, Moholy-Nagy y El Lissitzky- permiten demostrar unas preocupaciones muy similares a lo conseguido por Mies con los rascacielos que parecen haber servido de ejemplo y motivación mutua para el surgimiento de una nueva espacialidad -más fluida-. Esta lectura permitirá recuperar la importancia de estos dos proyectos como la expresión directa de una nueva manera de pensar y hacer su arquitectura que ya no tendrá vuelta atrás en la obra de Mies. A la vez que recuperar la potencialidad poética de unas vistas que, así definidas reiteradamente por la crítica, se revelan ahora como directas transmisoras de ese deseo de cambio arquitectónico evidenciado en los proyectos posteriores. Racionalización de una poética que al ir más allá de la forma directamente transcrita permite establecer una última reflexión general sobre como opera la imagen en la arquitectura, así como la pertinencia crítica de este proyecto para con el mundo virtual de hoy. En definitiva, más allá del poder evocador de estas representaciones, este será un estudio que pretende cuestionar las características que la imagen de la arquitectura puede proponer más allá de su literalidad por medio de la fascinante interacción que se produce entre la imagen y lo espacialmente imaginado. Encuentros, recursos e intereses de una respuesta plenamente arquitectónica que, además de dar luz a un cambio tan inclasificable como moderno, abre el camino a la interpretación de un proceso de formalizacion que, reiteradamente defendido por su autor justifican una intensidad poética dada por la historia y reafirman una preocupación artística a menudo desmentida por su autor. Dicho de otro modo, si profundizar en las razones arquitectónicas, históricas y técnicas que llevan a Mies a realizar sus rascacielos, por medio de su relación con la vanguardia y el cine, arrojan luz y explican el cambio que se está gestando en el arquitecto cara una nueva espacialidad fluida. Reflexionar sobre su naturaleza espacial -de estas imágenes ya icónicas- equivale a aportar una reflexión crítica sobre la naturaleza simbólica de la imagen de la arquitectura hoy. “Aunque el puesto clave que ocupa el Rascacielos de la Friedrichstrasse dentro de la historia de la arquitectura moderna nunca ha sido seriamente cuestionado, la opinion critica al respecto siempre ha estado dividida. Desde la publicacion de la monografia de Philip Johnson sobre Mies en 1947, el muro cortina como una piel transparente que reviste el esqueleto estructural has ido aclamado como un gran avance pionero. Otros puntos de vista sobre el edificio, subrayando su supuesta planta expresionista, lo han visto como un esfuerzo un poco menos aventurado. Asi calibrada, la propuesta de Mies para la Friedrichstrasse es radicalmente moderna en mas de un sentido enfatizado por Johnson.” 1 W.Tegethoff ABSTRACT This essay reflects on the broad territory of the image in today’s architecture. One good example is the Friedrichstrasse Skyscraper design by Mies van der Rohe in 1921/22, during the period between World Wars I and II. There are many reasons why this work has been chosen, but one of the most recent stands out above the rest: of the hundreds of essays written on this work, comments have been made only (with the odd exception) on the objectual characteristics of what has been directly described by the views (as if it were a genuine reflection of reality), without analysing the real physical and symbolic nature of the representation a subjective (spatial) expression of architecture. If its importance as a point of inflection in the initial development of a completely modern work is more than enough reason to make a detailed study, since it may be crucial for understanding the author’s beginnings in the Modern Movement. Its presence as a reduced set of four views, the combination of a photograph of the place and a drawing made of it, in our opinion, carry meanings that are as important for understanding this architecture as all the ideas described about them. Created during an early period, when the languages of photography and cinema were in full swing, it can be said that the perspectives of the Friedrichstrasse Skyscraper form a historical reference of one of the first virtual architectures that belong entirely to the Modern Movement. A paradigm of the most absolute modernity owing to the fact that it is on that frontier of the never-accomplished, but spatially assumable as photographic reality, the images of the skyscraper can be considered as one of the first reflections on the virtual nature of post-industrial architectural design. There is nothing new in the fact that the photographic description of work absorbs and communicates on its own the multiple properties it involves and there is nothing new in the fact that most architectures become known today through the media. It is surprising that no analysis has been made to date, with the same intensity, of the many reasons that led to a number of images whose poetry add form to the architecture they represent. If the intention is to reflect on this contemporary fact using a paradigmatic example certified by history, we will be forced to use a methodology that corresponds to the dual condition produced by the interpretation of all media images as a fluctuating combination of what is interpreted independently through the representation and meanings the image acquires as a historical reference. This ambivalent interpretation will lead this essay to be structured in two clearly different and complementary blocks that follow the reading order offered by any image of architecture in the media. Thus, a first part, titled The image of an architecture, analyses the interpretation history and the author have given to the skyscraper through its use in the various exhibitions, magazines, style agreements and monographs in which it has been included. This examination, which is the real space in which these architectures reside, is (to delimit and organise the study) restricted to countries in which the author lived during his lifetime and it will help establish a first narrative that considers the different interpretations made by critics over time. The presence of the first skyscraper next to the second one in the publication the architect makes early on in Frühlicht will require the second solution to be incorporated as another part of the study. Laden with necessary quotes by the various personalities who have examined said designs, this first historiographical analysis establishes an initial state of the question that reveals an ambivalent interpretation of skyscrapers. If the direct interpretation of the images has made it possible to closely examine the characteristics of the glass and its reflections and the nudity of a metal structure as clear examples of a modern and technological expression of glass and steel. The particular triangular shapes of the former and the sinuous shapes of the latter have generated many classifications that suggest it is an example of Expressionism, Dadaism or Constructivism, which have grown over time into artistic admiration laden with poetry. This historical reading, which concludes with a more recent short period that begins to question the utopian character and recovers its nature as a project, will finally consider a number of doubts that have no apparent answer and require a revision of the reading of the images as part of what they actually are: expression of a new architecture that becomes part of the Modern Movement as from that precise moment. In addition, the existence in the architect’s subsequent discourse of a formalisation process highly valued by the author and the equal presence of a place in the representations and plans of a skyscraper history seems to have forgotten, will stand as more than sufficient reason for a revision of initial relations with the avantgarde -not particularly well defined today- together with a renewed reading of said vertical proposals for what they also are: projects that respond to the special needs of a very specific place and time. This second part, titled The architecture of an image, is presented more as a total immersion in the project world than a mere nominal description of it. Deliberately symmetrical and opposite to a historic first bloc, this second part (much longer and central part of the thesis) it will focus on analysing images as: the set of historical events that affected the skyscraper, city, place and technical processes image to provide these architectures with their raison d’être. Consequently, the aim is to delve in the reasons which, hidden as a formalisation process, led Mies to move on to a new form of doing, seeing and thinking his architecture, of expressing a space. The approach to these images will therefore lie in highlighting the nature of a number of representations whose photographic features are the true reflection of a period in which the new visual media (cinema and photography) begin to be questioned due to excessive use. The complexity of facts that coincide in time will require this study to be divided into a first general approach, with a response given by most of the participants in the competition, to compare the importance of a common approach in terms of project and context of the response given by Mies and his colleagues. A combination of requirements and needs of the very history of the plot of land, the peculiarities of a place and the programmatic requirements of the competition; the next step will reconstruct the formalisation process of the set of drawings that characterise both to understand the mechanism which, suspended like translations between the different representations, operates in the realisation of said images and complements as thought their architectural idea. The aim is thus to offer two things: an interpretation that takes into account the new way in which the architect works with photography, together with the particular idiosyncrasy of the moment at which they occur. In other words, the approach will focus on the views of the first skyscraper, which takes into account the technological and visual history that surrounds the event and the characteristics of a physical execution that still remains unexplained in full. The subsequent discovery of a number of geometrical incoherences in the floor plans, elevations and views of the first project will lead to an argument for the presence of trompe l’oeil which, never before revealed, is seen as laden with completely avant-garde spatial intentions. Architectural interpretation of the images where the presence of a number of elements directly linked to the languages of photography and cinema is translated into a new spatial reading that is completely dynamic and full of dislocation, rhythm and simultaneity far-removed from the idea of seeing shape as a permanently fixed element. This suggestion takes us to directly to the second skyscraper design as a clear continuation of what he imagined in the first. To end, after a preliminary biographical revision (previous to the project) that reveals urban concerns and a desire for change before the Friedrichstrasse competition, a comparison is made of these new spatial meanings with avant-garde practice which, contemporary with the 1921 competition, show very similar investigations with the same cinematographic interest. The reading of the proposals of three artists close to the architect at that time -i.e. Hans Richter, Moholy-Nagy and El Lissitzky- reveals concerns that are very similar to what Mies achieved with the skyscrapers that seem to have been used as an example and mutual motivation for the creation of a new (more fluent) spatiality. This interpretation will make it possible to recover the importance of these two projects as the direct expression of a new way of thinking and doing his architecture that was to remain fixed in Mies’ work. This also gives rise to the possibility of recovering the poetic potential of views which, as defined repeatedly by the critics, now stand as the direct transmitters of the desire for architectural change shown in later projects. A rationalisation of poetry which, by going beyond the directly transcribed form, gives rise to the establishment of one general final reflection on how the image works in architecture, together with the critical relevance of this design for today’s virtual world. In short, beyond the evocative power of images this will be a study which questions the characteristics the image of architecture can propose beyond its literality through the fascinating interaction between the image and spatially imagined. Encounters, resources and interests of a completely architectural response that, besides sheds light to a change that is as non-classifiable as it is modern, shows the way to the interpretation of a formalisation process which, repeatedly defined by the author, justifies a poetic intensity and confirms an artistic concern often denied by the author. In other words, examining the architectural, historical and technical reasons that led Mies to create his skyscrapers, thanks to its relationship with the avant-garde and cinema, sheds light on and explains the change taking place in the architect with regard to a new fluent spatiality. Reflecting on the spatial nature -of these iconic images- is tantamount to a critical reflection on the symbolic nature of architecture today. “Although the key position of the Friedrichstrasse Office Building within the early history of modern architecture has never been seriously challenged, critical opinion on it has always been divided. Ever since the publication of Philip Johnson’s monograph on Mies in 1947, the curtain wall as a transparent skin sheathing the skeleton structure has frequently been hailed as a pioneering breakthrough. Other views of the building, stressing its supposedly Expressionist plan, have seen it as a somewhat less adventurous effort. In fact, the project has never been regarded in abroad context. Thus measured, Mies’s proposal fro Friedrichstrasse is radically modern in more than the one respect emphasized by Johnson.” 1 W.Tegethoff

Quantal acetylcholine release induced by mediatophore transfection.

Mediatophore is a protein of approximately 200 kDa able to translocate acetylcholine in response to calcium. It was purified from the presynaptic plasma membranes of the electric organ nerve terminals. Mediatophore is a homooligomer of a 16-kDa subunit, homologous to the proteolipid of V-ATPase. Cells of the N18TG-2 neuronal line are not able to produce quantal acetylcholine release. We show here that transfection of N18TG-2 cells with a plasmid encoding the mediatophore subunit restored calcium-dependent release. The essential feature of such a release was its quantal nature, similar to what is observed in situ in cholinergic synapses from which mediatophore was purified.

Electoral Systems and Ethnic Conciliation: A Structured, Focused Analysis of Vote-Pooling in Northern Ireland Elections 1998-2011

This research project examines the role of electoral system rules in affecting the extent of conciliatory behavior and cross-ethnic coalition making in Northern Ireland. It focuses on the role of the Single Transferable Vote (STV) electoral system in shaping party and voter incentives in a post-conflict divided society. The research uses a structured, focused comparison of the four electoral cycles since the Belfast Agreement of 1998. This enables a systematic examination of each electoral cycle using a common set of criteria focused on conciliation and cross-ethnic coalition making. Whilst preference voting is assumed to benefit moderate candidates, in Northern Ireland centrist and multi-ethnic parties outside of the dominant ethnic communities have received little electoral success. In Northern Ireland the primary effect of STV has not been to encourage inter-communal voting but to facilitate intra-community and intra-party moderation. STV has encouraged the moderation of the historically extreme political parties in each of the ethnic bloc. Patterns across electoral cycles suggest that party elites from the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and Sinn Fein have moderated their policy positions due to the electoral system rules. Therefore they have pursued lower-preference votes from within their ethnic bloc but in doing so have marginalized parties of a multi-ethnic or non-ethnic orientation.

The representation of the world in national Arab news agencies: an exploration of (trans)national networks in the official Arab media

The purpose of this paper is to draw a map of the representation of the world and of Arab states as reflected by the countries of the region. To do so, we have analysed the news (4,093 news randomly collected on February and August 2005) produced by the governments of the Arab states through their national news agencies. Several regional and world maps had been constructed to show the official Arab representation of the World, the Arab countries conflict agenda, the persistence of colonial ties (with the European metropolis) and the emergence of new relationships (Asian countries). The representation of the world that appeared in the analysis focuses its interest on the USA, the war in Iraq, the Israel-Palestine conflict, the United Kingdom, France, and Iran. The Arab regional powers organise the flow of information (Saudi Arabia and Egypt) and the colonial past determines the current structure of communication (French-speaking bloc and English-speaking bloc).

Emergent Brazil and the Curse of the ‘Hen’s Flight’. CEPS Working Document No. 379, 27 February 2013

The ‘Emergent Brazil’ growth model is reaching its limits. Its main engines have been slowing significantly since the beginning of the global financial and economic crisis. Even its much-praised predictable macroeconomic policy has been eroded by political interference. Inflationary pressures are growing and GDP performance is anaemic. As ominous, Brazil cannot compensate for its domestic deficiencies with an export drive. Commodity exports are suffering with the world economic slow-down and the manufacturing industries’ competitiveness is in sharp decline. Brazil has put all its trade negotiation eggs into the South American and WTO baskets, and now its export market share is threatened by the Doha Round paralysis, the Latin American Alianza del Pacífico, and the US-led initiatives for a Trans-Pacific Partnership and a trade and investment agreement with the EU. Paradoxically, this alarming situation opens a window of opportunity. There is a mounting national consensus on the need to tackle head-on the country’s and its industries’ lack of competitiveness. That means finding a solution to the much-decried ‘Brazil Cost’ and stimulating private-sector investment. It also entails an aggressive trade-negotiating stance in order to secure better access to foreign markets and to foster more competition in the domestic one. The most promising near-term goal would be the conclusion of the EU–Mercosur trade talks. A scenario to overcome the paralysis of these negotiations could trail two parallel paths: bilateral EU–Brazil agreements on ‘anything but trade’ combined with a sequencing of the EU–Mercosur talks where each member of the South American bloc could adopt faster or slower liberalisation commitments and schedules.

The emblematic statement of the Nobel Peace Prize. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 13 No. 1, January 2013

From the Introduction. On October 12th the Nobel Committee announced that the annual Nobel Peace Prize would be awarded to the European Union for, “promoting peace, democracy and human rights over six decades”.1 This was a bit of good news for the EU who had produced nothing but bad press with the Euro Crisis, the bailouts of struggling countries like Greece, and protests in the southern member states of Spain, Portugal, and Italy. At such a momentous occasion the EU’s next challenge was to figure out who would be the rightful head of the EU to accept the award. The EU has made their decision by opting to send its top three officials Jose Manuel Barroso the President of the European Commission, Herman Van Rompuy the President of the European Council, and Martin Schulz the President of the European Parliament2 as a sign that the EU is not headed by one person but instead is an supranational economic and political bloc that seeks to unify the European continent. Their symbolic acceptance of the award is in response to what Geir Lundestad, the Secretary of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, called, “an accumulated record.”3 This record has ushered the EU into the international spotlight as a beacon for countries in the EU’s periphery to want to join the bloc.

Trade policy issues in the Wider Europe – that led to war and not yet to peace. CEPS Working Document No. 398, July 2014

This paper looks at the trade policy landscape of the EU and the wider Europe, with a focus on issues arising from the signature on 27 June 2014 of Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreements (DCFTAs) between the EU and three East European countries (Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine), and actual or prospective issues relating to the customs union of Belarus, Russia and Kazakhstan (BRK), and the Eurasian Economic Union whose founding treaty was signed on 29 May 2014. The huge expansion of intercontinental free trade area negotiations currently underway, in which the EU is an active participant alongside much of the Americas and Asia, stands in contrast with Russia’s choice to restrict itself to the Eurasian Economic Union, which is only a marginal extension of its own economy. Alone among the major economies in the world, Russia does not seek to integrate economically with any major economic bloc, which should be a matter of serious concern for Moscow. Within the wider Europe, the EU’s DCFTAs with Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia are a major new development, but Russia now threatens trade sanctions against Ukraine in particular, the economic case for which seems unfounded and whose unilateral application would also impair the customs union. The Belarus-Russia-Kazakhstan customs union itself poses several issues of compatibility with the rules of the WTO, which in turn are viewed by the EU as an impediment to discussing possible free trade scenarios with the customs union, although currently there are far more fundamental political impediments to any consideration of such ideas. Nonetheless, this paper looks at various long-term scenarios, if only as a reminder that there could be much better alternatives to the present context of conflict around Ukraine.

The Putin doctrine: The formation of a conceptual framework for Russian dominance in the post-Soviet area. OSW Commentary No. 131, 28.03.2014

The statements made in recent weeks by Russian officials, and especially President Vladimir Putin, in connection with Moscow’s policy towards Ukraine, may suggest that the emergence of a certain doctrine of Russian foreign and security policy is at hand, especially in relation to the post-Soviet area. Most of the arguments at the core of this doctrine are not new, but recently they have been formulated more openly and in more radical terms. Those arguments concern the role of Russia as the defender of Russian-speaking communities abroad and the guarantor of their rights, as well as specifically understood good neighbourly relations (meaning in fact limited sovereignty) as a precondition that must be met in order for Moscow to recognise the independence and territorial integrity of post-Soviet states. However, the new doctrine also includes arguments which have not been raised before, or have hitherto only been formulated on rare occasions, and which may indicate the future evolution of Russia’s policy. Specifically, this refers to Russia’s use of extralegal categories, such as national interest, truth and justice, to justify its policy, and its recognition of military force as a legitimate instrument to defend its compatriots abroad. This doctrine is effectively an outline of the conceptual foundation for Russian dominance in the post-Soviet area. It offers a justification for the efforts to restore the unity of the ‘Russian nation’ (or more broadly, the Russian-speaking community), within a bloc pursuing close integration (the Eurasian Economic Union), or even within a single state encompassing at least parts of that area. As such, it poses a challenge for the West, which Moscow sees as the main opponent of Russia’s plans to build a new order in Europe (Eurasia) that would undermine the post-Cold War order.

Before the parliamentary elections in Ukraine. OSW Commentary No. 149, 15.10.2014

The parliamentary elections to be held in Ukraine on 26 October will bring about deep changes in the political composition of the Verkhovna Rada, Ukraine’s parliament. It is very probable that after the elections only one or two of the five parties which are represented in the parliament today will remain, and the leading positions will be taken by groupings who were still considered marginal a year ago. The Petro Poroshenko Bloc, a party which according to polls can count on victory, did not exist a year ago and today still remains in the construction phase. It is likely that around two-thirds of the newly elected deputies will be people with no parliamentary or even no political experience. On the one hand, this may be a strong impetus to revival; but on the other the lack of experience of most of the parliamentarians may be a problem. Another source of potential problems may be the process of consolidating the internally unstable political parties which have emerged during the electoral campaign. All of the parties which will count in the upcoming elections have a pro-European programme. It is probable that the numerous supporters of an anti-Western orientation (although not necessarily a pro-Russian orientation, as recent events have shown) will be represented by very few deputies elected in single-mandate constituencies. On the one hand, this homogeneity within the Rada will facilitate the country’s reforms, including work on the new constitution, while on the other it might be a subject of permanent criticism by Moscow and its Ukrainian representatives. The elections will take place in the conditions of a growing wave of social disappointment and ongoing military actions in the eastern part of the country. Nevertheless, it can be expected that the vote will be held without any major disturbances, and its course will be transparent and fair.

Greater Europe. Putin's vision of European (dis)integration. OSW Study 46/2013

On several occasions since 2001 Vladimir Putin has raised the concept of ‘Greater Europe’, a partly-integrated common space comprising mainly Russia and the European Union. This concept has never been recast into a detailed political programme. While it has been championed as‘a Europe without dividing lines’, the concept would in practice permanently split Europe into two geopolitical blocs – the Western bloc of the European Union, with Germany in the dominant role, and the Eastern bloc, consisting of the emerging Eurasian Union, with Russia in a hegemonic position. In recent years Russia has undertaken a number of initiatives aimed at implementing some elements of the concept. However, most of these have failed to become reality. In this context, we should expect Russia’s policy to focus on implementing its priority project of Eurasian integration, based on the structures of the Customs Union/the Eurasian Union. The Greater Europe project, on the other hand, will be postponed until the time when, as Moscow believes, a weakened EU will be ready to accept Russian proposals.

Rebalancing the EU-Russia-Ukraine gas relationship. Bruegel Policy Contribution ISSUE 2014/15, DECEMBER 2014

The October 2014 agreement on gas supplies between Russia, Ukraine and the European Union did not resolve the Ukraine-Russia conflict over gas. The differences between parties in terms of objectives, growing mistrust and legacy issues make it unlikely that a long-term stable arrangement will be achieved without further escalation. Without EU pressure and support, Ukraine is likely to enter a new unfavourable gas arrangement with Russia, which could have repercussions beyond the energy sector. Key highlights: To reduce prices and increase the security of imports, the EU as a bloc should redefine its gas relationship with Russia and Ukraine and overcome the diverging interests of EU member states on second-order issues. Implementation of a joint strategy rests on enforcement of EU competition and gas market rules, a strengthened role for the Energy Community and the establishment of a market-based instrument for supply security. For Ukraine, the EU should serve as an anchor for comprehensive gas sector reform. Contingent on Ukraine’s reform efforts, EU financial and technical assistance, the enabling of reverse flows from the EU to Ukraine and pressure on Gazprom, should eventually enable Ukraine to obtain a sustainable gas-supply contract with Russia. This should make a sustainable and mutually beneficial Russia-Ukraine-EU gas relationship possible. However, during the transition, the EU should be prepared for possible frictions.

The Ukrainian government's strategy towards the opposition. OSW Commentary No. 47, 2011-09-02

In recent months in Ukraine, there has been a toughening of measures targeted at opposition leaders, in particular the former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko and the former interior minister Yuri Lutsenko. These two have been charged with abuses of office when in power. The way in which the criminal investigations are being conducted shows that these measures are actually meant to prevent the two politicians from conducting regular political activities, or at least to make this practically impossible for them. These actions are an element of the Party of Regions’ long-term strategy, as it tries during the pre-election period to eliminate Yulia Tymoshenko from political life and weaken or even destroy her powerbase. Similar measures, although to a more limited extent, are being taken against other opposition groups. These actions are leading to the lowering of democratic standards in Ukraine, although these are still much higher than in Belarus or Russia; this has been proved, among other things, by the militia’s more restrained behaviour towards the protesters, and the fact that abuses of the law during the current investigations have not yet slipped into actual violations. The Ukrainian opposition is fragmented and disorganised; even the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc is unable to stage a major campaign in defence of its leader. This allows the authorities to feel free to tighten their policy towards the opposition.

Svodboda party - the new phenomenon on the Ukrainian right-wing scene. OSW Commentary No. 56, 2011-07-04

Even though the national-level political scene in Ukraine is dominated by the Party of Regions, the west of the country has seen a progressing increase in the activity of the Svoboda (Freedom) party, a group that combines participation in the democratically elected local government of Eastern Galicia with street actions, characteristic of anti-system groups. This party has brought a new quality to the Ukrainian nationalist movement, as it refers to the rhetoric of European anti-liberal and neo-nationalist movements, and its emergence is a clear response to public demand for a group of this sort. The increase in its popularity plays into the hands of the Party of Regions, which is seeking to weaken the more moderate opposition parties (mainly the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc). However, Svoboda retains its independence from the ruling camp. This party, in all likelihood, will become a permanent and important player in Ukrainian political life, although its influence may be restricted to Eastern Galicia. Svoboda is determined to fight the tendencies in Ukrainian politics and the social sphere which it considers pro-Russian. Its attitude towards Russia and Russians, furthermore, is unambiguously hostile. In the case of Poland, it reduces mutual relations almost exclusively to the historical aspects, strongly criticising the commemoration of the victims of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army’s (UPA) crimes. This may cause tension in Polish-Ukrainian relations, where they are affected by decisions made by local governments controlled by the Svoboda Party.

What can Arab countries learn from the post-communist transition? MEDPRO Commentary, 31 May 2012

More than a year has passed since the start of the political uprising against the authoritarian regimes in the Arab world. But, as demonstrated by the ongoing unrest in Syria, the process is far from over. Meanwhile, nations that have already rid themselves of their authoritarian rulers (Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Yemen), must decide where to go now and how to manage their political and economic transitions. To a lesser extent, a similar challenge is being faced by those constitutional monarchies (such as Morocco or Jordan) that accelerated reforms in order to avoid political destabilisation.   Many politicians and experts, especially those from Central and Eastern Europe, suggest that their Arab colleagues should learn from the post‐communist transition of the early 1990s. However, while learning from others’ experience is always a useful exercise, the geopolitical and socio‐economic context of the Arab revolution appears to be different, in many respects, from that of former Soviet bloc countries more than twenty years ago.

European Union Leadership and Enlargement in 2014. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 14 No. 14, July 2014

On July 15, 2014 the European Parliament confirmed the new European Commission President. An absolute majority was needed for this purpose, and the 422 votes “For” cleared the 376-vote threshold in the legislative body of 751 members. A Grand Coalition has been formed among the three largest political parties: the European People’s Party (EPP), the Progressive Alliances of Socialists Democrats (S&D), and the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE). Considering policy decisions going forward, the European Union (EU) faces the pressing question: Will there be more, less, or similar power from the EU? There are a greater number voices from across the political spectrum contributing to the democratic plurality. European leaders may regain trust by acknowledging that future governance will not be “business as usual” as the reform agenda gets underway. 2014 has been an exciting and important year in European politics. “This time is different” was the motto for the European Parliament’s election campaign. This essay analyzes recent EU political trends with the new Commission leadership and the Parliamentary elections results. The Parliamentary elections, held in late May, and the new European Commission, planned to be in place in the autumn, influence the leadership direction of the 28-member bloc. Additionally, this year on July 1 Croatia celebrated the first anniversary of joining the EU in 2013. Leading the way for candidate countries, Croatia embraces the democratic politics and capitalist market economics embodied by the EU. The greater number of seats held by newer political parties in the European Parliament demonstrates increasing plurality in the EU democracy. The Parliamentary elections have taken place every 5 years since 1979. In this eighth legislative session, the EPP and the S&D remain the largest parties represented, with 221 and 191 seats respectively. As the EU has evolved, a greater number of voices influence politics. The ongoing point of contention on a host of policies is national sovereignty in relation to pooled sovereignty in the EU. The European Parliament is important for democracy in EU governance since it is the direct link from the national citizens to their elected leaders at the supranational level. The representatives of the European Commission are appointed by the national governments of Member States, and their heads of government are the representatives to the European Council. These three political institutions – the European Parliament, the European Commission, and the European Council – together with other important institutions, including the European Court of Justice Luxembourg, form the EU. The new European Commission President is Jean-Claude Juncker, former Prime Minister and Minister of Finance of Luxembourg (1995-2013). After being nominated by the European Council on June 27, his candidacy was voted on by the European Parliament on July 15, according to the guidelines of the Lisbon Treaty. The leadership for the President of the European Commission has been an important issue, considering Britain’s deliberations on whether or not to stay in the EU in the face of a future national referendum. Voting on June 27, among the European Council on the nomination of Commission President-Designate Juncker, was 26 in favor and 2 opposed. Only Viktor Orbán, the prime minister of Hungary, joined David Cameron, the prime minister of the United Kingdom (UK), with a negative vote (Spiegel and Parker 2014). The UK had not been supportive, being concerned that Juncker embraces the policies of a federalist, prioritizing an ever-closer union above the interests of individual Member States. Historically, since joining the predecessor institution of the European Economic Community in 1973, the UK has had a relatively independent attitude about participation in the EU.