929 resultados para Colby social life


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Kirjallisuusarvostelu

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From Bildung to Civilisation. Conception of Culture in J. V. Snellman’s Historical Thinking The research explores Johan Vilhelm Snellman’s (1806–1881) conception of culture in the context of his historical thinking. Snellman was a Finnish, Swedish-speaking journalist, teacher and thinker, who held a central position in the Finnish national discourse during the nineteenth century. He has been considered as one of the leading theorists of a Finnish nation, writing widely about the themes such as the advancement of the national education, Finnish language and culture. Snellman is already a widely studied person in Finnish intellectual history, often characterised as a follower of G. W. F. Hegel’s philosophical system. My own research introduces a new kind of approach on Snellman’s texts, emphasising the conceptual level of his thought. With this approach, my aim is to broaden the Finnish research tradition on conceptual history. I consider my study as a cultural history of concepts, belonging also to the field of intellectual history. My focus is on one hand on the close reading of Snellman’s texts and on the other hand on contextualising his texts to the European intellectual tradition of the time. A key concept of Snellman’s theoretical thinking is his concept of bildning, which can be considered as a Swedish counterpart of the German concept of Bildung. The Swedish word incorporated all the main elements of the German concept. It could mean education or the so-called high culture, but most fundamentally it was about the self-formation of the individual. This is also the context in which Snellman’s concept of bildning has often been interpreted. In the study, I use the concept of bildning as a starting point of my research but I broaden my focus on the cognate concepts such as culture (kultur), spirit (anda) and civilisation. The purpose of my study is thus to illustrate how Snellman used and modified these concepts and from these observations to draw a conclusion about the nature of his conception of culture. Snellman was an early Finnish philosopher of history but also interested in the practice of the writing of history. He did not write any historical presentations himself but followed the publications in the field of history and introduced European historical writing to the Finnish, Swedish-speaking reading audience in his newspapers. The primary source material consists of different types of Snellman’s texts, including philosophical writings, lecture material, newspaper articles and private letters. I’m reading Snellman’s texts in the context of other texts produced both by his Finnish predecessors and contemporaries and by Swedish, German and French writers. Snellman’s principal philosophical works, Versuch einer spekulativen Entwicklung der Idee der Persönlichkeit (1841) and Läran om staten (1842), were both written abroad. Both of the works were contributions to contemporary debates on the international level, especially in Germany and Sweden. During the 1840s and 1850s Snellman had two newspapers of his own, Saima and Litteraturblad, which were directed towards the Swedish-speaking educated class. Both of the newspapers were very popular and their circulations were among the largest of their day in Finland. The topics of his articles and reviews covered literature, poetry, philosophy and education as well as issues concerning the economic, industrial and technical development in Finland. In his newspapers Snellman not only brought forth his own ideas but also spread the knowledge of European events and ideas to his readers. He followed very carefully the cultural and political situation in Western Europe. He also followed European magazines and newspapers and was well acquainted with German, French and also English literature – and of course Swedish literature to with which he had the closest ties. In his newspapers Snellman wrote countless number of literary reviews and critics, introducing his readers to European literature. The study consists of three main chapters in which I explore my research question in three different, yet overlapping contexts. In the first of these chapters, I analyse Snellman’n theoretical thinking and his concepts of bildning, kultur, anda and civilisation in the context of earlier cultural discourse in Finland as well as the tradition of German idealistic philosophy and neo-humanism. With the Finnish cultural discourse I refer to the early cultural discussion in Finland, which emerged after the year 1809, when Finland became an autonomous entity of its own as a Grand Duchy of Russia. Scholars of the Academy of Turku opened a discussion on the themes such as the state of national consciousness, the need for national education and the development of the Finnish language as a national language of Finland. Many of these academics were also Snellman’s teachers in the early years of his academic career and Snellman clearly formulated his own ideas in the footsteps of these Finnish predecessors. In his theoretical thinking Snellman was a collectivist; according to him an individual should always be understood in connection with the society, its values and manners, as well as to the traditions of a culture where an individual belongs to. In his philosophy of the human spirit Snellman was in many ways a Hegelian but his notion of education or ‘bildning’ includes also elements that connect him with the wider tradition of German intellectual history, namely the neo-humanist tradition and, at least to some extent, to the terminology of J. G. Herder or J. G. Fichte, for example. In this chapter, I also explore Snellman’s theory of history. In his historical thinking Snellman was an idealist, believing in the historical development of the human spirit (Geist in German language). One can characterise his theory of history by stating that it is a mixture of a Hegelian triumph of the spirit and Herderian emphasis on humanity (Humanität) and the relative nature of ‘Bildung’. For Snellman, the process of ‘bildning’ or ‘Bildung’ is being realised in historical development through the actions of human beings. Snellman believed in the historical development of the human civilization. Still Snellman himself considered that he had abandoned Hegel’s idea about the process of world history. Snellman – rightly or wrongly – criticised Hegel of emphasising the universal end of history (the realisation of the freedom of spirit) at the expense of the historical plurality and the freedom of each historical era. Snellman accused Hegel of neglecting the value and independency of different historical cultures and periods by imposing the abstract norm, the fulfilment of the freedom of spirit, as the ultimate goal of history. The historicist in Snellman believed in the individuality of each historical period; each historical era or culture had values, traditions and modes of thought of its own. This historicist in Snellman could not accept the talk about one measure or the end of history. On the other hand Snellman was also a universalist. He believed that mankind had a common task and that task was the development of ‘Bildung’, freedom or humanity. The second main chapter consists of two parts. In the first part, I explore the Finnish nationalistic discourse from the cultural point of view by analysing the notions such as a nation, national spirit or national language and showing how Snellman formulated his own ideas in a dialogic situation, participating in the Finnish discourse but also reacting to international discussions on the themes of the nation and nationality. For Snellman nationality was to a great extent the collective knowledge and customs or practices of the nation. Snellman stated that nationality is to be considered as a form of ‘bildning’. This could be seen not simply as affection for the fatherland but also for the mental identity of the nation, its ways of thinking, its practices, national language, customs and laws, the history of the nation. The simplest definition of nationality that Snellman gives is that nationality is the social life of the people. In the second part of the chapter I exam Snellman’s historical thinking and his understanding about historical development, interaction between different nations and cultures in the course of history, as well as the question of historical change; how do cultures or civilisations develop and who are the creators of culture? Snellman did not believe in one dominating culture but understood the course of history as a dialogue between different cultures. On the other hand, his views are very Eurocentric – here he follows the ideas of Hegel or for example the French historian François Guizot – for Snellman Europe represented the virtue of pluralism; in Europe one could see the diversity of cultures which, on the other hand, were fundamentally based on a common Christian tradition. In the third main chapter, my focus is on the writing of history, more precisely on Snellman’s ideas on the nature of history as a science and on the proper way of writing historical presentations. Snellman wrote critics on the works of history and introduced his readers to the writing of history especially in France, Sweden and German-speaking area – in some extend also in Britain. Snellman’s collectivistic view becomes evident also in his reviews on historical writing. For Snellman history was not about the actions of the states and their heads, nor about the records of ruling families and battles fought. He repeatedly stressed that history is a discipline that seeks to provide a total view of a phenomenon. A historian should not only collect information on historical events, since this information touches only the surface of a certain epoch or civilisation; he has to understand an epoch as totality. This required an understanding about the major contours in history, connections between civilisations and an awareness of significant turning points in historical development. In addition, it required a holistic understanding about a certain culture or historical era, including also the so-called inner life of a specific nation, a common people and their ways of life. Snellman wrote explicitly about ‘cultural history’ in his texts, referring to this kind of broad understanding of a society. In historical writing Snellman found this kind of broader view from the works of the French historians such as François Guizot and Jules Michelet. In all of these chapters, I elaborate the conceptual dimension of Snellman’s historical thinking. In my study I argue that Snellman not only adopted the German concepts of Bildung or Kultur in his own thinking but also developed the Swedish concepts in a way that include personal and innovative aspects. Snellman’s concept of bildning is not only a translation from ‘Bildung’ but he uses the Swedish concept in a versatile way that includes both the moral aspect of human development and social dimension of a human life. Along with ‘bildning’ Snellman used also the terms ‘kultur’ and ‘civilisation’ when referring to the totality of a certain nation or historical era, including both the so-called high culture (arts, science, religion) and the modes of thought as well as ways of life of the people as a whole. Unlike many of his Finnish contemporaries, Snellman did not use civilisation as a negative concept, lacking the moral essence of German term ‘Bildung’ or ‘Kultur’. Instead, for Snellman civilisation was a neutral term and here he comes close to the French tradition of using the term. In the study I argue that Snellman’s conception of culture in fact includes a synthesis of the German tradition of ‘Bildung’ and the French tradition of ‘civilisation’.

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Since the 1990’s, the Internet has played a central role in our daily lives. The Internet is an integral part of our personal, business, family, research, entertainment, academic and social life. However, there are social implications in using the Internet that are dependent on categories such as gender, age, ethnicity and cultural attributes. This social aspect can play a detrimental role in the expression of human anxiety on the Internet. An anxiety is a complex phenomenon that requires further elaboration. Thus, the aim of this thesis is to investigate human anxiety, or specifically, whether Internet anxiety can be conceptualized and measured. This thesis utilizes literature, qualitative and quantitative research methodologies, and a triangulation validation approach to conceptualize and measure the Internet anxiety phenomenon. In particular, the aim is to explore anxiety levels of Internet participants to develop and validate an Internet anxiety scale based on earlier research on Internet anxiety. The results of the dissertation present a two phase study. In Phase I, a smaller set of studies were conducted with a limited sample size. In Phase II, the research topic was investigated using 385 participants. Based on a number of studies or experiments, the state-of-the-art discovered in this thesis is creation, design, and validation of two scales, the Self-Assessment Scale (SAS) and a Modified Internet Anxiety Scale (MIAS) for measuring users’ anxieties on the Internet. The result of this dissertation is a conceptualization and measurement of various types of Internet anxiety and measurement of affective feelings of users on the Internet. As a proof-of-concept of measuring Internet anxiety, this thesis describes the author’s implementation of three sets of tools: MyAnxiety, introducing Internet anxieties types; Intelligentia, for collecting Internet anxieties types; and MyIAControl tool, implemented as a browser plug-in, for measuring affective feelings of users on the Internet. Conclusions drawn from the results show that these empirically validated scales and tools might be useful for researchers and practitioners in understanding and measuring the Internet anxiety phenomenon further.

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Presentation at Open Repositories 2014, Helsinki, Finland, June 9-13, 2014

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En populär idé inom dagens filosofiska och psykologiska forskning om interpersonlig förståelse, är idén att vi använder en kognitiv funktion (eller metod) för att förstå andra människor, en så kallad ”theory of mind” funktion. Denna idé förekommer inom ett brett vetenskapligt fält så som inom evolutionspsykologi, inom teorier om barns utveckling, inom teorier om autism, samt inom emotionsfilosofi och moralfilosofi. Avsikten i denna studie är att se närmare på vissa inflytelserika filosofiska och psykologiska teorier om interpersonlig förståelse, teorier som också har en stark koppling till empirisk forskning. I arbetet hävdar Gustafsson att teorierna ifråga avspeglar vissa klassiska, filosofiskt problematiska, antaganden. Dessa antaganden präglar teorierna ifråga samt påverkar hur de empiriska undersökningarna byggs upp och hur resultat tolkas.

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Tutkimuksessa keskitytään tutkimaan kuluttamista elämäntavan ja identiteetin muovaajana yhden yksilön elämän kautta. Kuluttamista tutkitaan statuskuluttamisen (conspicious consumption), tilallisuuden ja sukupuolihistorian käsitteistöä hyväksi käyttäen. Tutkimuksen lähteinä on käytetty liikekirjeitä ja tilikirjoja, yksityistä kirjeenvaihtoa, päiväkirjoja ja sanomalehtiä sekä aikalaismuistelmia. Naista lähdemateriaaleista on koottu sekä tilastollista aineistoa että kvalitatiivista, lähilukuun ja mikrohistorialliseen tutkimusotteeseen nojautuvaa tutkimusta. Tutkimus alkaa vuodesta 1799 ja päättyy 1830-luvulle, jolloin seuraava sukupolvi otti vastuun liiketoimista ja lähdeaineistossa tapahtui muutoksia kuluttamisen kirjaamisen suhteen. Tutkimuksen keskeiset käsitteet ovat statuskuluttaminen ja identiteetti. Näitä käsitteitä lähestytään Thorstein Veblenin, Norbert Eliaksen ja Pierre Bourdieun tutkimuksia apuna käyttäen. Tutkimus käsittelee erottautumisen ja jäljittelyn tematiikkaa merkittävimpänä kuluttamisen motivaattoreina. Lisaksi tutkimus nostaa esille hyvän maun ja muodinmukaisuuden kulutusvalintojen taustalla. Statuskuluttaminen kytkeytyy sosiaaliseen kanssakäymiseen. Kuluttamisen kohteet ovat esineitä ja asioita, joita pidetään esillä seurapiireissä. Kuluttaminen tapahtuu seuraelämän ehdoilla, sen mukavoittamiseksi, aseman osoittamiseksi seurapiireissä tai sosiaalisen paineen vuoksi. Tutkimus osoittaa kotitalouden merkityksen kuluttamisen paikkana ja kohteena. Tutkimus myös osoittaa naisten toimintakentän olleen kytköksissä kotitalouden asemaan yhteisössään sekä osoittaa, että sukupuolta pitää tarkastella suhteessa yksilön sosiaaliseen asemaan. Tutkimus osoittaa, että Marie Hackmanin kuluttaminen muuttui ikääntymisen myötä. Aseman osoittaminen oli merkittävämpää nuorena ja aseman ollessa vielä vakiintumattomampi.

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This research is a qualitative study of cultural reproduction and resistance from students' perspectives. Thirteen teenagers (eight in attendance in regular high schools and five drop-outs) were recruited to take part and were involved to varying degrees through interviews, journal writing, and group interactive sessions. A purposive sampling design was used initially to recruit individuals known to the researcher through contacts in an alternate education setting. Other participants were recruited throughout the research phase. The theoretical aspects are premised on the work of Paul Willis, Michel Foucault, and Pierre Bourdieu. The reflexive praxeology of Bourdieu reflects the position taken as one way of understanding how students construct and respond to the situations of cultural dominance they experience in schools. The same reflexivity is offered for suggestions as to how teachers can respond to their own position in the education system.

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Many arthropods exhibit behaviours precursory to social life, including adult longevity, parental care, nest loyalty and mutual tolerance, yet there are few examples of social behaviour in this phylum. The small carpenter bees, genus Ceratina, provide important insights into the early stages of sociality. I described the biology and social behaviour of five facultatively social species which exhibit all of the preadaptations for successful group living, yet present ecological and behavioural characteristics that seemingly disfavour frequent colony formation. These species are socially polymorphic with both / solitary and social nests collected in sympatry. Social colonies consist of two adult females, one contributing both foraging and reproductive effort and the second which remains at the nest as a passive guard. Cooperative nesting provides no overt reproductive benefits over solitary nesting, although brood survival tends to be greater in social colonies. Three main theories explain cooperation among conspecifics: mutual benefit, kin selection and manipulation. Lifetime reproductive success calculations revealed that mutual benefit does not explain social behaviour in this group as social colonies have lower per capita life time reproductive success than solitary nests. Genetic pedigrees constructed from allozyme data indicate that kin selection might contribute to the maintenance of social nesting -, as social colonies consist of full sisters and thus some indirect fitness benefits are inherently bestowed on subordinate females as a result of remaining to help their dominant sister. These data suggest that the origin of sociality in ceratinines has principal costs and the great ecological success of highly eusociallineages occurred well after social origins. Ecological constraints such as resource limitation, unfavourable weather conditions and parasite pressure have long been considered some of the most important selective pressures for the evolution of sociality. I assessed the fitness consequences of these three ecological factors for reproductive success of solitary and social colonies and found that nest sites were not limiting, and the frequency of social nesting was consistent across brood rearing seasons. Local weather varied between seasons but was not correlated with reproductive success. Severe parasitism resulted in low reproductive success and total nest failure in solitary nests. Social colonies had higher reproductive success and were never extirpated by parasites. I suggest that social nesting represents a form of bet-hedging. The high frequency of solitary nests suggests that this is the optimal strategy when parasite pressure is low. However, social colonies have a selective advantage over solitary nesting females during periods of extreme parasite pressure. Finally, the small carpenter bees are recorded from all continents except Antarctica. I constructed the first molecular phylogeny of ceratinine bees based on four gene regions of selected species covering representatives from all continents and ecological regions. Maximum parsimony and Bayesian Inference tree topology and fossil dating support an African origin followed by an Old World invasion and New World radiation. All known Old World ceratinines form social colonies while New World species are largely solitary; thus geography and phylogenetic inertia are likely predictors of social evolution in this genus. This integrative approach not only describes the behaviour of several previously unknown or little-known Ceratina species, bu~ highlights the fact that this is an important, though previously unrecognized, model for studying evolutionary transitions from solitary to social behaviour.

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There has been considerable research that investigates the outcomes, benefits, and perceptions of wilderness trip experiences. However, the transfer of learning from a wilderness trip to the everyday lives of youth trip participants, that has deliberately explored post-trip experience, is minimal. Using a qualitative multi-case study approach, methods of data collection included interviews with six youth program participants, six parents/legal guardians, and three program staff, as well as document solicitation. Reports from the participants suggested that the key content transferred to a post-wilderness trip context were interpersonal skills; life skills; and instances of personal growth. Participants applied their learning content from the wilderness trip to school; sports; community and international volunteering; work and career aspirations; family and home life; and social life contexts. Implications for adventure programming and curriculum design, instruction, and transfer are considered.

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The past two centuries have witnessed the rise of nationalist movements and widespread nationalism. As these movements gained strength in Europe, sport played a role in their development. Media representations of sport recount events in a way that reinforces cultural values and this research investigates media representations of Croatian nationalism in the weeks surrounding the country’s third place victory in the 1998 FIFA World Cup. Sociological theories alongside more contemporary theories of sport and nation construction are considered. Croatian newspapers were analyzed for elements of national identity construction. The study concludes that the 1998 World Cup played an important role in Croatia’s on-going construction of nationhood and invention of nationalist traditions. This research further demonstrates sport’s ability to evoke strong emotions that are difficult to witness in other areas of social life and the direct role of sport in garnering nationalism.

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The diary was written when Beam was nineteen years old. Her father, Charles O. Beam, was a dentist with an office on Queen Street in St. Catharines. Winnie Beam lived with her father and mother, Emma, on Ontario Street, St. Catharines.

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Ancré dans une perspective historique, ce mémoire cherche à mettre en application une relecture de la théorie wébérienne de la « rationalisation éthique » comme facteur explicatif de la reconfiguration moderne du rapport entretenu entre les individus et la religion. Un retour sur les changements survenus dans la pensée religieuse de la Renaissance — pensée mise en contraste avec la situation religieuse des populations du Moyen-Âge — permet de mettre en évidence le passage d’une religion syncrétique, ritualiste et imprégnée de magie, à un christianisme épuré, intériorisé et rationnel. L’étude de la pensée religieuse de l’humaniste Érasme de Rotterdam, pris comme « figure historique » porteuse de cette transformation, pointe vers la diffusion à la Renaissance d’un christianisme compris comme système philosophique compréhensif dépouillé de son caractère mystique. Cette diffusion d’un « esprit » chrétien, et l’importance accordée à la mise en œuvre d’une conduite de vie méthodique spécifiquement orientée vers le salut, participe au premier chef d’un processus de « quotidianisation » du charisme religieux, prélude essentiel, dans une perspective wébérienne, à la « rationalisation éthique » et à l’autonomisation de la sphère religieuse dans la vie sociale.

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Notre recherche tente de comprendre l’évolution de la participation sociale et les nouvelles formes qu’elle prend dans la société canadienne contemporaine. La participation sociale constitue désormais un enjeu important dans les sociétés démocratiques, où la vie sociale est menacée par la logique marchande et où l’action de l’État sollicite de plus en plus l‘engagement social. Nous nous demandons ainsi comment la distribution du temps de participation sociale a évolué chez les Canadiens âgés de 25 à 49 ans, afin de saisir de quelle manière les individus concilient quotidiennement leur vie professionnelle, familiale et civique. Nous avons ainsi analysé la participation sociale à partir de la place qu’elle occupe dans l’organisation de l’emploi du temps quotidien, plutôt qu’à partir de ses déterminants. Au terme de nos analyses, nous pouvons poser deux conclusions majeures. D’abord, l’évolution entre 1992 et 1998, des activités formelles (bénévolat) et des activités informelles (entraide) se caractérise par la baisse du taux de participation. Par contre, il s’est également produit un allongement du temps de participation du bénévolat qui témoigne de l’existence d’un « noyau dur » de bénévoles. Ensuite, c’est la manière spécifique dont les individus organisent leur temps libre qui explique l’engagement social et le temps qui lui est consacré. Ceci nous fait conclure à l’influence réelle mais non totalement déterminante du temps de travail dans le fait de s’engager ou non et de consacrer de plus ou moins longues périodes à la pratique de ces activités.

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Inscrite dans la tradition monographique en sociologie et en anthropologie, cette thèse prend pour objet la diversité des pratiques et des idéologies caractéristiques des différents types de populations rurales distingués en fonction de l'enracinement territorial, afin d'apporter un nouvel éclairage sur les conflits sociaux actuels dans tous les milieux ruraux québécois qui surgissent notamment de l'accroissement du nombre des néo-ruraux dont les visions du monde s'opposent à celles des agriculteurs, dont le nombre diminue sans cesse. Prenant un village comme observatoire, il s'agit de rendre compte du mouvement totalisant de l'expérience de la vie en société à la fois dans ses dimensions « matérielles » et « symboliques ». L'étude des principales formes de vie sociale (religieuse, économique et politique) se fait grâce à des méthodes diversifiées: l'observation participante, l'analyse statistique, l'analyse du discours, le travail sur les archives municipales et l'histoire orale. L'analyse des différentes formes de vie sociale montre que leur organisation est structurée par deux principaux modèles. Le modèle public et communautaire comprend les personnes qui valorisent l'implication de l'État et des professionnels dans la gestion collective de la redistribution des richesses et dans le développement des milieux ruraux. Ces personnes occupent une position économique « marginale » à l'intérieur de la localité et sont plus près des milieux urbains tant par leurs positions que par leurs visions du monde. Quant au modèle privé et familial, il comprend les personnes défendant le rôle prépondérant des réseaux familiaux dans le développement local et la fermeture de la localité face à la concurrence des marchés extérieurs et aux interventions politiques exogènes. Les représentants de ce modèle occupent une position économique locale dominante, mais se sentent de plus en plus dominés politiquement face aux interventions extérieures des représentants politiques régionaux et des professionnels ainsi qu'économiquement à l'échelle mondiale où ils occupent une position dominée. Les oppositions sous-jacentes à ces deux modèles s'inscrivent dans une histoire ancienne qui met en scène d'une part les élites traditionnelles liées à l'Église et les notables francophones scolarisées et d'autre part les élites industrielles et commerciales qui succèdent aux anglophones dès les années 1920. Le sens et le contenu des modèles varient légèrement avec les transformations récentes de la structure familiale et la régionalisation des pouvoirs politiques et religieux.