Emplacement of ultramafic rocks into the continental crust monitored by light and other trace elements: An example from the Geisspfad body (Swiss-Italian Alps)

In order to evaluate the influence of continental crustal rocks on trace element budgets of serpentinized peridotites incorporated into the continental crust, we have analyzed the chemical composition of whole rock samples and minerals of the Geisspfad ultramafic complex (Swiss-Italian Alps). This complex represents a relict oceanic succession composed of serpentinites, ophicarbonates and metabasic rocks, emplaced into crustal gneisses during Alpine collision. Following peak metamorphic amphibolite facies conditions, fluid flow modified some of the trace element contents of ophicarbonates and deformed serpentinites close to the contact with country rocks. The fluid originated from the surrounding continental crustal rocks as documented by the increase of Pb in the serpentinites, and by the strongly negative all) values (-112 parts per thousand) of some ultramafic rocks close to the contact with surrounding gneisses. Little or no modification of the fluid mobile elements Li, B or U was observed in the serpentinite. In-situ analysis of light elements of serpentinite minerals indicate redistribution of light elements coupled to changes of mineral modes towards the outer 100-150 m of the massif. In the centre of the massif, Li is preferentially concentrated in olivine, while Be and B are hosted by tremolite. In contrast, at the outer rim of the massif, Li and Be are preferentially incorporated into diopside, and B into antigorite. This redistribution of light elements among the different minerals is visible in the serpentinite, at a maximum distance of -100-150 m from the ophicarbonate-metabasite contact. Our results show that interaction of ultramafic rocks and crust-derived fluids can be easily detected by studies of Pb and partial derivative D in whole rocks. We argue that small ultramafic bodies potentially record an emplacement-related trace element signature, and that crustal light element values in ultramafic rocks are not necessarily derived from a subducting slab. (C) 2008 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

Una visió de la Guerra de Successió des de l'exili: el 'Teatro de desdichas' (Milà, 1716)

El 1716 es publicà a Milà un text que fa una àmplia justificació històrica i política de la causa de Carles III d'Àustria a la Guerra de Successió d'Espanya (1702-1715). L'obra, de dimensions considerables (72 pàgines), va ser redactada per un eclesiàstic castellà que participà a la defensa de Barcelona durant el darrer setge i que va ser desterrat a Itàlia per les noves autoritats borbòniques. L'article analitza algunes de les idees centrals del text, com ara: l'oposició a la tirania borbònica i la defensa d'una monarquia moderada; la identificació de l'entronització de Felip V com el trencament de l'equilibri europeu i el punt culminant de la decadència d'Espanya; la denúncia de la traïció dels aliats; la vindicació de l'austriacisme castellà i la crítica al borbonisme d'alguns sectors catalans; i la descripció de la repressió i de l'exili.

Pieces of Iowa’s Past, February 6, 2008

Pieces of Iowa’s Past, published by the Iowa State Capitol Tour Guides weekly during the legislative session, features historical facts about Iowa, the Capitol, and the early workings of state government. All historical publications are reproduced here with the actual spelling, punctuation, and grammar retained. February 6, 2008 THIS WEEK: “War of the Rebellion”

The cave (La caverna -1952-1969) by Josep Palau i Fabre: theatre versus philosophical allegory in order both to perform and stop the tragic and dark end of the bright art of thinking

What is the use of representing in performance the image of the cave from book VII of Plato’s Republic? Josep Palau i Fabre considers that in Plato’s dialogues the speakers are mere instruments at the service of his dialectical purpose. The aim of this article is to show how, by turning the myth into a tragedy and relying on Heraclitus’s conflict or war of opposites, the playwright succeeds in favouring a sort of thought which is not one-sided or univocal. On the contrary, in Palau i Fabre’s La Caverna, the tragic hero, the released prisoner transformed by the light of Reality and finally killed by his “cavemates” –after having been imprisoned again and having tried to rescue them from their ignorance or shadows– still leaves them his powerful experience of the agonistikós thought, which might bear fruit in their life to come.

The Sanskrit epics' representation of Vedic myths

Abstract: This book studies several mythical motifs, found in the Veda (especially in the Ùgveda) on the one hand and in one or both Sanskrit epics on the other: Agni's hiding, the theft of the Soma, Indra's rape of Ahalyå, Upamanyu's salvation by the Aßvins, and finally the representation of the Great War of the Mahåbhårata as a sacrifice. While it is often said that the subsequent Indian literature only paid "lipservice" to the Vedas without really knowing and even less understanding these texts, the present study not only shows that many Vedic myths are still kept alive in the Epics, but more importantly that their deep underlying meaning was perfectly understood by the epic mythmakers, and reactualized to fit the changed religious conditions of epic times. Résumé: Descriptif du livre Ce livre étudie plusieur motifs mythologiques qui se trouvent à la fois dans les Vedas (et spécialement dans le Ùgveda), et dans l'une ou l'autre des grandes épopées sanskrites, le Mahåbhårata et le Råmåyana. Ces motifs sont: la disparition d'Agni, le rapt du Soma, le viol d'Ahalyå par Indra, le sauvetage d'Upamanyu par les Aßvins, et enfin, la représentation de la grande guerre du Mahåbhårata comme un rite sacrificiel. On maintient souvent que la littérature plus tardive ne fait référence aux Vedas que pour la forme, sans pour autant réellement connaître et encore moins comprendre ces textes. Mais la présente étude montre tout au contraire que non seulement beaucoup de mythes védiques se retrouvent dans les épopées, mais encore ? ce qui est plus important ? que les mythographes de l'épopée avaient parfaitement compris leur sens profond, et l'avaient réactualisé pour répondre aux changements religieux de l'époque épique.

Oath of Allegiance to King George III

Transcript (original spelling and grammar retained): We the Commissioned Officers belonging to the Second Regiment of Lincoln Militia - Do sincerely promise and swear that we will be faithful and bear true allegiance to his Majesty King George, and heirs will defend to the utmost of our power against all traitorous conspiracies and attempts whatsoever which shall be made against his Person, Crown or Dignity; and we will do our utmost endeavours to disclose and make them known to his Majesty, His Heirs and successors, all treasons and traitorous conspiracies and attempts, which we shall know to be against Him or them. So help us God. Thomas Clark - Lt. Col. David Secord - Major John Crysler - Capt James Macklin - Capt John [Ross] - [Captain] [Abraham] Bowman - Lieut Gilbert McMicking - Quartmaster John [Misiner] - Ensign Robert Campbell - Capt John [Couke] - Ensign Nicholas Smith - Lieut I certify that the officers who have here [subscribed] the oath took it before me at Chippawa 4 Sept 1812 Thomas Dickson JP

Letter - American soldier's account of battles at Chippewa, Lundy's Lane and Fort Erie, 1814

Transcript (original grammar and spelling retained): My dear wife I take this time to inform you that I am well hoping that these few lines will Reach you and find you the same I shall in form you of all our Battles that we have had sence I left home we crossed in to Canada the 2 day of July and took fort Erie on the 3 day of July without loss of one man. We then marched down to Chipway eighteen miles below the Fort Erie we got there on the forth day and had our first battle on the 5 day our loss was not jistly known But the inemy loss was double to ours. The 6 day we started with the 2 Brigade to make a bridge a crost the crick two miles a bove the fort in Building the Bridge the inemy Brought up their Canon and playd upon us with their artiliery a bout two hours We drove them from the fort our loss was none the inemy loss was nineteen ciled dead on the ground we then marched to Queenston when we got thare our inemy had fledfrom the fort we then remained thair to Queenston ten days then we marched down to Fort George But that caurdly Chaney did not a rive with the fleet so we had to return back to Queenston thare was a bout six hundred militia formed on the heights of land thay fired up on us from their pickets and retreated to the mane body our flankers ciled and wounded and took about twenty before they got to the Maine body we then marched up the hill they gave us two firs but did not damage and then retreated from the field we stayed there one knight and then marched to Chipway and stayed there one night and the next day just as the sun set the first Brigade marched up in order to give them Battle a bout two miles from the Crick and began the Battle the 2 Brigade has to March up to the Niagara path and ingaged them we charged up on their artlery and took all their Canon Miller commanded the four companys that charged....the battles lasted three hours and forty minutes our loss was about 8 hundred cild and wounded our inemies loss was a bout fourteen hundred cild and wounded the next morning we Marched up in order to give them Battle a gin but thay was afraid to ingage us we then marched to Fort Erie and went to fortiffing and made a strong place the inemy folered us up and Began to cananade and held it fifty three days thay a tacked the fort the fifteenth of august thay atacked a bout one hiour be fore day Light we saw them and Blue up our maggerzean & two hundred of our inemy our loss wasa bout forty cild and wounded and our inemy loss was a bout one thousand on the 7 Day of September we atacked them and took their batteries and Broke all their canon and drove them from the field our loss was a Bout two hundred cild and wounded our inemy loss was a Bout 8 hundred cild and wounded...we crossed in to Canada with five thousand and came out with fifteen hundred we then Marched to Sackett’s harbor....am well and harty for the present....a bout comming home it uncarting for there is not any....given this winter as yet But I shall try to Come home if I Can But if I Cant I want you should take good car of the Phiddness[?] I have not Received any Money as yet But soon as I do receive some I send some home. I want you should write to me as soon as you receive this and and how Much Stock you wintor I Received your Letter with Great pleasure I feel uneasy a bout you I am a frade that you are sick or dead this is from your husband Chase Clough

Manuscript of James Cummings- August 28, 1860

Transcript (spelling and grammar retained): Chippawa [Chippewa] 28th August 1860 My Dear Sir I duly received your very kind letter of the 24th [June] asking me to communicate such facts of general interest connected with my career during the War with the United States. I have no objection to afford you such information as came under my own observation; nevertheless I do so, with the understanding, I have no desire to be my own trumpeter. With respect to your circular wherein you state you have been for several years collecting materials for a History of the late War between the United States & Great Britain, for which you are now gathering further materials to add to your collection, concerning the Second War for Independence. I am rather at a loss to know, what is meant by the second war; If you allude to the petty Rebellion, it could not be called a War, Those that caused the outbreak were very soon put down, by the Loyal people of the Province without the aid of Regular Troops being satisfied with the Independence they enjoyed. With respect to the several questions names in your circular: To the 1st I would say, this locality is made memorable by the battle of Chippawa [Chippewa] which took place about a mile above the village on the ground I pointed out to you, when I had the pleasure of seeing you a few days ago, with Mr Porter of the Niagara Falls, of which I believe you took sketches at the time. 2nd I have no historical documents of any value; so many years having gone past, the most of my old papers have either been lost or destroyed, I however came across two letters, one dated Queenston 9th July 1812 from Lt. Col. Nicholl Quarter Master General of Militia, the other from Lt. Col Myers Deputy Quarter Master General of the Regular Army date Fort George 23rd same month, directed to me in the hand writing of each of those officers as Deputy Quarter Master General of Militia, which letters I shall be obliged you would return at as early a day possible, as I wish to place them with tome others in the case, I have had made to hold the cocked hat & feather I wore during that eventful period, which I am sorry I did not exhibit when you was at my house; with reference to it I now enclose a letter from Lt. Col. Clark, residing at Port Dalhousie he was Captain & Adjutant of Militia in the War of 1812__ I send the letter in proof of the cock’d hat it is a lengthy one, but you may find time to turn over it, as I shall also place it in the hat case__ 3rd Where are [but] [for] traditionary [sic] witnesses residing in this vicinity – Col Clark above named Mr Merritt of St. Catharines, & Mr Kerby of Brantford are the only ones I now recollect, who could offord [sic] you any statistical information. 4th I have no pictorial sketches of any Military Movements or fortifications. As regards my own career, which you appear [ ? ] of knowing__ I was first a Lieutenant in a volunteer flank company stationed on the river side opposite [Navy] Island not far from the battle ground of Chippawa [Chippewa], I got promotion as Lieutenant of Cavalry before I got my Cavalry dress completed in three days more, I was called by General Brock to Fort George, was appointed Deputy Quarter Master General of Militia with the rank of Captain s the accompanying letters will show. I was at the battle of Stony Creek, several skirmishes at the Cross Roads, when the American army [ ? ] Fort George, at the taking of Col. Boerstler at the Beaver Dam, & had the honor of receiving Colonel Chapens sword at the surrender, who commanded a company of volunteer Horse Men was at the taking of 15 regulars & two officers at Fort Schlosser—was with Col. Bishop at the taking of Black Rock, near him when he fell, three men of the 8th Reg. more killed in the Boat I was in – I was at Chippawa battle, and the last, not the least in Lundy’s lane battle, which the Americans call the battle of Bridge [Waters]. I had forgot; there was another small affair at Corks Mill where I was. I could write a little history of events, but have not the time to do so. If what I have stated will be of any service for the purpose you require I shall feel happy. The history of the late War was published at Toronto in the Anglo American Magazine. Did you ever see it, I have the Books, there were however several errors which came under my notice, which I could have corrected. If my time would permit I could give you a more detailed statement of events. I trust however you may succeed with your publication , and I shall be most happy to hear from you at all times—I related many little occurances verbally to you when here, which I thought not necessary to repeat again as you would have a perfect recollection of them. Be pleased to return the letters for the purpose I require them. I am My Dear Sir Your respectful friend James Cummings

Notice of Change in Reparation Agent- Quebec 1 May 1822

A notice of change in reparation agent between Robert Morrogh and Thomas Douglas from Quebec to Daniel Shannon in Niagara.

Letter Regarding an Affidavit discussing the Half Pay of Daniel Shannon, Ensign- June 13, 1820

A letter regarding an affidavit discussing the half pay of Daniel Shannon from the 25th June to the 21st of December 1819.

Oath of Employment History by Daniel Shannon- 1820

An oath by Daniel Shannon concerning his employment from the 25th of June to the 24th of December 1820.

Notice to Half Pay Officers and Out Pensioners of Chelsea and Kilmainham Hospitals- 1821

Discusses the half pay and pensions of Officers living within His Majesty's Dominions. At the bottom, there is also a comment made by Robert Morrogh to Daniel Shannon concerning the above notice.

Affidavit of Residency with Niagara for Daniel Shannon- 1819

An affidavit confirming that Daniel Shannon resided in the province and fulfilled loyal service in the War of 1812 as a look out in the Niagara Region. It is signed by Thomas Clark and Thomas Dickson of the 2nd Regiment of the Lincoln Militia.

Last Will and Testament of Peter Wright - 18 December 1812

The last will and testament of Peter Wright dated December 18, 1812. Transcription of will is below.