Increasing intercultural competence and tolerance in multicultural schools: A Training Program and its effectiveness

This study reports the implementation of a Training of Intercultural Competence and Tolerance (TICT) for upper-secondary school students and the empirical evaluation of its effectiveness. The TICT program was developed to counteract increasing interethnic conflicts in the North Caucasus Federal District of Russia. It is based on the theoretical and empirical framework of social psychology and cross-cultural psychology. The training effectiveness was assessed by conducting pre- and post-surveys among the training participants. The results indicate that TICT contributes to the development of a positive ethnic identity and the formation of a civic identity among the participating youth. It also increases their optimism regarding the future of interethnic relations in Russia and the subjective level of intercultural competence of majority group youth towards minority cultures. Thus, the evaluation of the training effectiveness of the TICT has shown that the aims of the training have been achieved to a large extent and that the Training of Intercultural Competence and Tolerance can be effectively used to prevent interethnic conflicts and promote interethnic relations in multicultural schools. Suggestions for the practical implementation of the TICT as well as for future research on the training's effectiveness are discussed.

Filling the Eastern European gap in millennium-long temperature reconstructions

Tree ring–based temperature reconstructions form the scientific backbone of the current global change debate. Although some European records extend into medieval times, high-resolution, long-term, regional-scale paleoclimatic evidence is missing for the eastern part of the continent. Here we compile 545 samples of living trees and historical timbers from the greater Tatra region to reconstruct interannual to centennial-long variations in Eastern European May–June temperature back to 1040 AD. Recent anthropogenic warming exceeds the range of past natural climate variability. Increased plague outbreaks and political conflicts, as well as decreased settlement activities, coincided with temperature depressions. The Black Death in the mid-14th century, the Thirty Years War in the early 17th century, and the French Invasion of Russia in the early 19th century all occurred during the coldest episodes of the last millennium. A comparison with summer temperature reconstructions from Scandinavia, the Alps, and the Pyrenees emphasizes the seasonal and spatial specificity of our results, questioning those large-scale reconstructions that simply average individual sites.

Colored dissolved organic matter (cDOM) absorption measurements in Antarctic lakes

The datasets present measurements of cDOM absorption of lakes located in Antarctic oasis during the summer periods from 2013 to 2016. In summer season of 2013 water samples were collected on Fildes Peninsula (King George Island, West Antarctica) - Bellingshausen Station, Russia. Investigated lakes on Fides Peninsula were completely or partly free from ice cover during water sampling. In summer seasons of 2014-2016 water samples were collected on Vestfold Hills, Reuer Island and Larsemann Hills Oasis (East Antarctica) - Progress station, Russia. During 2014-2016 summer season part of lakes on Larsemann Hills Oasis were free from ice cover, some of the lakes were completely covered by ice and were drilled before sampling. Part of the water samples from Progress Station (2015) has not been filtered. cDOM is operationally defined by the chosen filter pore size. Samples have been consistently filtrated through 0.7 µm pore size glas fibre filters. cDOM filtrates have been stored in darkness and have been measured after the expedition using the dual-beam Specord200 laboratory spectrometer (Jena Analytik) at the Otto Schmidt Laboratory OSL, Arctic and Antarctic Research Institute, St. Petersburg, Russia. The OSL cDOM protocol (Heim and Roessler, 2016) prescribes 3 Absorbance (A) measurements per sample from UV to 750 nm against ultra-pure water. The absorption coefficient, a, is calculated by a = 2.303A/L, where L is the pathlength of the cuvette [m], and the factor 2.303 converts log10 to loge. The output of the calculation is a continuous spectrum of a. The cDOM a spectra are used to determine the exponential slope value for specific wavelength ranges, S by fitting the data between min and max wavelength to an exponential function. We provide cDOM absorption coefficients for the wavelengths 254, 260, 350, 375, 400, 412, 440, 443 nm [1/m] and Slope values for three different UV, VIS, wavelength ranges: 275 to 295 nm, 350 to 400 nm, 300 to 500 nm [1/nm]. All data were carried out by scientists from Arctic and Antarctic Research Institute and Saint Petersburg State University of Russia during Russian Antarctic Expedition in 2013-2016.

Stability threshold approach for complex dynamical systems

Acknowledgments This paper was developed within the scope of the IRTG 1740/TRP 2011/50151-0, funded by the DFG/FAPESP, and supported by the Government of the Russian Federation (Agreement No. 14.Z50.31.0033 with the Institute of Applied Physics RAS). The first author thanks Dr Roman Ovsyannikov for valuable discussions regarding estimation of the mistake probability.

El juego estratégico de Rusia en el Cáucaso Sur: Sochi 2014

La propuesta de la ciudad de Sochi como sede de los Juegos Olímpicos de Invierno y de la 16° fecha del Gran Premio de Fórmula 1 de 2014, y como una de las sedes de la futura Copa Mundial de Futbol 2018, son una ratificación de la importancia estratégica que representa el Cáucaso para Rusia. Asimismo, el anclaje en el Cáucaso y en las costas del Mar Negro, con toda la inversión en infraestructura y en seguridad que representa la organización de eventos deportivos mundiales, implica la puesta en juego de una estrategia geopolítica que expresa la importancia de Rusia como potencia regional. En el calidoscopio de poder e intereses que se despliegan en la región caucásica, la sombra de Rusia se proyecta con fuerza. Abordar el rol que ejerce este país en el Cáucaso Sur, permitirá comprender las perspectivas actuales de la política exterior de Rusia en esta región, así como conocer de qué modo se despliega en el territorio el juego estratégico del poder a través de eventos deportivos que se observan desde todos los lugares del mundo.

Estonia and Latvia, ca. 1696-1698 (Raster Image)

This layer is a georeferenced raster image of the historic paper map entitled: Ducatuum Livoniae et Curlandiae novissima tabula : in quibus sunt Estonia, Litlandia et aliae minores provinciae, per Justum Danckerts. It was published by per Justum Danckerts between 1696 and 1698. Scale [ca. 1:1,000,000]. Covers Estonia, Latvia, and a portion of Russia and Lithuania. Map in Latin.The image inside the map neatline is georeferenced to the surface of the earth and fit to the Europe Lambert Conformal Conic coordinate system. All map collar and inset information is also available as part of the raster image, including any inset maps, profiles, statistical tables, directories, text, illustrations, index maps, legends, or other information associated with the principal map. This map shows features such as drainage, cities and other human settlements, territorial boundaries, shoreline features, and more.This layer is part of a selection of digitally scanned and georeferenced historic maps from the Harvard Map Collection. These maps typically portray both natural and manmade features. The selection represents a range of originators, ground condition dates, scales, and map purposes.

Mongolia and North China, 1749 (Raster Image)

This layer is a georeferenced raster image of the historic paper map entitled: Carte de la Tartarie Occidentale : pour servir a l'Histoire generale des voyages, tiré des auteurs anglois, par N. Bellin, Ingenieur de la Marine. It was published by Pierre de Hondt in 1749. Scale [ca. 1:5,400,000]. Covers Mongolia and North China, and portion of Russia. Map in French and Dutch. The image inside the map neatline is georeferenced to the surface of the earth and fit to the Asia North Lambert Conformal Conic coordinate system. All map collar and inset information is also available as part of the raster image, including any inset maps, profiles, statistical tables, directories, text, illustrations, index maps, legends, or other information associated with the principal map. This map shows features such as drainage, cities and other human settlements, territorial boundaries, roads, the Great Wall of China, and more. Relief shown pictorially.This layer is part of a selection of digitally scanned and georeferenced historic maps from the Harvard Map Collection. These maps typically portray both natural and manmade features. The selection represents a range of originators, ground condition dates, scales, and map purposes.

Nieuwe kaart van Tartarie na de alderlaaste ondekking int ligt gebragt

door Isaak Tirion ; J. Keyser get. on gesn.

Die Staaten von Südost=Europa: Rumänien, Serbien, Montenegro, Bulgarien, Kreta, Europ. Türkei, Griechenland

Redigiert v. Dr. K. Peucker ; Rudolph Maschek sculps ; Kartogr. Anst. v. Th. Bannwarth.

Theatrum historicum ad annum Christi quadrigentesimũ: in quo tũ Imperii Romani tũ Barbarorum circumincolentium status ob oculos ponitur pars orientalis

Auctore Guillelmo Delisle.

The EU’s Sanctions against Syria: Conflict Management by Other Means. Security Policy Brief No. 38

Since May 2011, the EU has launched one of its most far reaching and sophisticated sanctions operations in support of the protests against the current regime in Syria. The present brief examines the measures wielded by the EU, its expected impact and its implications for the EU’s relations with its global partners. While seriously undermined by the lack of support of Russia, the sanctions are having a noticeable economic impact. Yet, the choice of measures is ill-suited to stop the bloodshed. The sanctions have also served to (re)define partnerships with other powers, both in the Middle-East and globally.

Azerbaijan-a growing problem for the West. OSW Commentary No. 146, 15.09.2014

Azerbaijan’s cooperation with the West, launched two decades ago, has helped it become a relatively strong and ambitious actor on the international stage. It has become a key country in the region from the Western (USA and the EU) and Turkish points of view, as well as an important partner in the energy sector. The strategic EU concept of the Southern Gas Corridor, also supported by the United States, is among the initiatives based on cooperation with Azerbaijan. Surprisingly, however, Azerbaijan’s increased ambition and importance have caused its policy to diverge ever farther from the expectations and plans formulated by the West. The changes in the balance of power in the South Caucasus, occurring in the context of the conflict in Ukraine, have forced Azerbaijan to revise its assessment of its position in the region. The main impetus for Azerbaijan’s actions is fear of Russia, as well as the weakness of the West which has become particularly apparent in the recent stages of the Ukrainian crisis. Azerbaijan’s actions so far have displayed its tendency to deepen its self-isolation in foreign affairs and consolidate its authoritarian system. This comes as a challenge to the West, whose ability to shape its relations with Azerbaijan has weakened considerably. This state of affairs poses the threat that in the current situation, the Southern Gas Corridor concept, which Azerbaijan amended in 2012 in its own favour, might become totally blocked.

Gazprom's expansion in the EU - co-operation or domination? OSW Report, April 2008

The energy sector, especially with regard to natural gas trade, is one of the key areas of co-operation between the EU and Russia. However, the character of this co-operation has given rise to increasing doubts both in Brussels and among the EU member states. The questions have emerged whether this co-operation does not make the EU excessively dependent on Russian energy supplies, and whether Gazprom's presence in the EU will not allow Moscow to interfere in the proces of devising the EU energy policy. This report is intended to present the factual base and data necessary to provide accurate answers to the foregoing questions. The first part of the report presents the scope and character of Gazprom's economic presence in the EU member states. The second part shows the presence of the EU investors in Russia. The data presented has been provided by the International Energy Agency, European Commission, the Central Bank of Russia and the Russian Federal State Statistics Service. Some of the data is the result of calculations made by the Centre for Eastern Studies' experts who were basing on the data provided by energy companies, the specialist press and news agencies.

Dialogue with the Eurasian Union on Ukraine – an opportunity or a trap? OSW COMMENTARY No. 154, 2014-12-01

The Eurasian Union (or, to give it its full name, the Eurasian Economic Union, EEU) is Russia's flagship project, by use of which it aims to institutionally subordinate the post-Soviet states to itself using political ties and the projected common economic space. The Kremlin has so far managed to persuade Belarus and Kazakhstan, and tentatively also Armenia, to join this integration project, which on the surface looks like a multilateral initiative but in reality conceals a network of bilateral relations centred on Russia. However, in order for Russia to reconstruct its influence in its neighbourhood permanently and without change, it is of key importance that Ukraine is incorporated into the EEU. That still seemed feasible even in 2013, but the Maidan and the Russian-Ukrainian war have undone this possibility. However, they also opened up an alternative scenario for Russia, one in which the Western states recognise the Eurasian Union as a legitimate partner in discussions about a new order in Europe with a view to restoring peace in Ukraine. It is worth taking into account the strategic consequences of that scenario. We need to consider if the idea which Moscow has been lobbying for – and which has found some supporters in Brussels and Berlin – threatens to take us back to the Cold War system of geopolitical blocs and implies recognition of Russia's dominance over Ukraine and the other Eastern Partnership countries?

Gazprom’s expansion in the EU: co-operation or domination? OSW Report, October 2009. Second edition, revised

Introduction. The energy sector, especially with regard to the gas trade, is one of the key areas of co-operation between the EU and Russia. However, the form this co-operation has taken has been giving rise to some concern, both in Brussels and in the EU member states. Questions arise as to whether the EU has not become excessively dependent on Russia for energy, and whether the presence of the Russian gas monopoly in the EU does not enable Russian interference with the development of EU energy policy. The objective of this series of OSW reports (for the previous edition,see Gazprom’s expansion in the EU: co-operation or domination? April 2008 – pdf 1.2 MB) is to provide facts which will permit an accurat answer to these questions to be formulated. Over the course of last year, two new factors strongly affected Gazprom’s capability to operate on the EU market. One was the ongoing global economic crisis, which has depressed demand for gas both in Russia and in Europe. Gazprom has cut both its own production and the quantities of gas it purchases from the Central Asian states, and the decrease in export revenues has forced the company to modify some of its current investment plans. Less demand for gas and the need to reduce production are also having a positive impact – the Russian company is likely to avoid the difficulties in meeting all of its export commitments which, only a year or so ago, it was expected to experience. The other factor affecting Gazprom’s expansion in Europe is the observed radicalisation of the rhetoric and actions of both the company itself and of the Russian authorities with regard to the gas sector as broadly understood. The gas crisis between Russia and Ukraine in January 2009, which resulted in a two-week interruption of gas supplies from Russia to Europe via Ukraine, was the most prominent example of this radicalisation. The hardening of rhetoric in the ongoing energy talks with the EU and other actors, and increased political and business activities designed to promote Russian gas interests in Europe, in particular the lobbying for the Nord Stream and South Stream projects, are further signs of this shift in tone. These issues raise the question of whether, and to what extent, the current condition of Gazprom’s finance will permit the company to implement the infrastructural projects it has been endorsing and its other investment plans in Europe. Another important question is whether the currently observed changes in how Gazprom operates will take on a more permanent character, and what consequences this will have for the European Union. The first part of this report discusses Gazprom’s production and export potential. The second comprehensively presents the scope and nature of Gazprom’s economic presence in the EU member states. Finally, the third part presents the Russian company’s methods of operation on foreign markets. The data presented in the report come mainly from the statistics of the International Energy Agency, the European Commission and Gazprom, as well as the Central Bank of Russia and the Russian Statistical Office. The figures presented here also include proprietary calculations by the OSW based on figures disclosed by energy companies and reports by professional press and news agencies.