Embracing difference and the deferral of self-government: a critical analysis of the framing and practice of contemporary peace building

This thesis analyses how dominant policy approaches to peacebuilding have moved away from a single and universalised understanding of peace to be achieved through a top-down strategy of democratisation and economic liberalisation, prevalent at the beginning of 1990s. Instead, throughout the 2000s, peacebuilders have increasingly adopted a commitment to cultivating a bottom-up and hybrid peace building process that is context-sensitive and intended to be more respectful of the needs and values of post-war societies. The projects of statebuilding in Kosovo and, to a lesser extent, in Bosnia are examined to illustrate the shift. By capturing this shift, I seek to argue that contemporary practitioners of peace are sharing the sensibility of the theoretical critics of liberalism. These critics have long contended that post-war societies cannot be governed from ‘above’ and have advocated the adoption of a bottom-up approach to peacebuilding. Now, both peace practitioners and their critics share the tendency to embrace difference in peacebuilding operations, but this shift has failed to address meaningfully the problems and concerns of post-conflict societies. The conclusion of this research is that, drawing on the assumption that these societies are not capable of undertaking sovereign acts because of their problematic inter-subjective frames, the discourses of peacebuilding (in policy-making and academic critique) have increasingly legitimised an open-ended role of interference by external agencies, which now operate from ‘below’. Peacebuilding has turned into a long-term process, in which international and local actors engage relationally in the search for ever-more emancipatory hybrid outcomes, but in which self-government and self-determination are constantly deferred. Processes of emphasising difference have thus denied the political autonomy of post-war societies and have continuously questioned the political and human equality of these populations in a hierarchically divided world.

Self-help, Saving and Suburbanisation - the Birkbeck Freehold Land and Building Societies, their Bank and the London Mechanics’ Institute 1851 – 1911.

The Birkbeck Freehold Land and Building Societies were launched in 1851 in the London Mechanics’ Institute, secured its survival, and eventually replaced its premises with the architectural ‘phantasmagoria’ of the Birkbeck Bank. Prior to its collapse in 1911 ‘the Birkbeck’ was a major element in the English property based financial system and contributed significantly to the suburban growth of London. The Institute, Societies and Bank shared a Utilitarian vision of social progress through self-help that was at times hotly contested by the radical champions of the social classes that they were initially formed to assist. Their parallel histories are attested today by ‘Birkbeck’ toponyms (including roads, pubs and a railway station) in the London landscape.

Law, technology and water conflicts in developing societies: a case study of tank systems in Tamil Nadu

The study examines the relationship between law, technology and water conflicts from colonial days to the present in traditional (water) tank systems in the south Indian state of Tamil Nadu. Tanks are man-made water systems developed for irrigation and many other purposes in semi-arid areas. The thesis adopts a historical approach to study the development of law, particularly property rights, and takes an empirical approach to investigate the tank conflicts. Archival documents on irrigation development, Case laws, Focus Group Discussions, Open ended Interviews and Field visits to selected tank chains are used as source material for the discussion. Case studies of conflicts are described and analyzed at three levels - Vaigai river basin for a macro level, Kothai Anicut system in Cauvery basin for a meso level, and twenty other interconnected tanks for a micro-level. The thesis deviates from the conventional understanding that tanks as traditional systems as simple and local technologies but considers them to be complex. It argues that the use of commonly held systems such as tanks within the colonial and post colonial laws as state ownership has been the source of many conflicts. In particular, it finds most tank conflicts are a product of progressive and absolute state control over water and the systems established using colonial land revenue administrative law. The law continues to treat tanks as pieces of landed property held by state and the individuals rather than as technology systems that presupposed the regime of property rights introduced after the colonial times. The modern interventions in water including the reservoir building, and altering the hydraulics of rivers and streams aggravate tank conflicts and lead to their further detriment. The study brings the focus to ground realities, and offers new perspectives on understanding tank systems in dynamic ways.

Affective Computing to Enhance E-Learning in Segregated Societies

According to UN Women, to build stronger economies, it is essential to empower women to participate fully in economic life across all sectors. Increasing women and girls’ education enhances their chances to participate in the labor market. In certain cultures, like in Saudi Arabia, women contribution to the public economy growth is very limited. According to the World Bank, less than 20 percent of the female population participate in the labor force. This low participation rate has many reasons. One of them, is the educational level and educational quality for females. Although Saudi Arabia has about thirty three universities, opportunities are still limited for women because of the restrictions of access put upon them. A mixture of local norms, traditions, social beliefs, and principles preventing women from receiving full benefits from the educational system. Gender segregation is one of the challenges that limits the women access for education. It causes a problem due to the shortage of female faculty throughout the country. To overcome this problem, male faculty are allowed to teach female students under certain regulations and following a certain method of education delivery and interaction. However, most of these methods lack face-to-face communication between the teacher and students, which lowers the interactivity level and, accordingly, the students’ engagement, and increases the need for other alternatives. The e-learning model is one of high benefit for female students in such societies. Recognizing the students’ engagement is not straightforward in the e-learning model. To measure the level of engagement, the learner’s mood or emotions should be taken into consideration to help understanding and judging the level of engagement. This paper is to investigate the relationship between emotions and engagement in the e-learning environment, and how recognizing the learner’s emotions and change the content delivery accordingly can affect the efficiency of the e-learning process. The proposed experiment alluded to herein should help to find ways to increase the engagement of the learners, hence, enhance the efficiency of the learning process and the quality of learning, which will increase the chances and opportunities for women in such societies to participate more effectively in the labor market.

Cooperation among selfish individuals in insect societies

Kin selection is the key to understanding the evolution of cooperation in insect societies. However, kin selection also predicts potential kin conflict, and understanding how these conflicts are resolved is a major goal of current research on social insects

Scandinavia and its confines, in which are the Kingdoms of Sweden, Denmark, and Norway, divided into their principall provinces viz. Under the crown of Sweden, those of Gothland, Sweden, Lapland, Finland, Ingria, and Livonia; Under the crown of Denmark, those of Jutland, Sleswick, Zealand, Fyonie, &c. In Denmark those of Agger, Dronthem, and Wardhous, in Norway /

1 kartta :, käsinvär. ;, 56,4 x 86,7 cm, lehti 62,5 x 91,5 cm

Learned Societies Congress T-shirt

This shirt is from the Learned Societies Congress held at Brock University from May 23 - June 7, 1996.

Citizen Jane : exploring the relationship between gender and cellular phones in societies of control

In this thesis, I argue that the mutually productive relationship between women (as gendered subjects) and cellular phone technology is one of control. Women use cellular phones to organize, manage and otherwise control the multiplicity of tasks required of them on a daily basis. At the same time, through using cell phones, women participate in regimes of control including surveillance and persistent connection. I explore this relationship at the level of everyday practice, and conclude by speculating about this relationship at a wider level of social control and organization. This argument emerges from the critical approach suggested by Slack and Wise (2005), who argue that technology and culture are inseparable. They provide articulations and assemblages as tools of analysis. I situate this analysis more broadly within Foucault's (1991) work on govemmentality, in its modem form of societies of control (Deleuze, 1995b).

Ontario horticultural societies annual report. (1920)

Issued by: Dept. of Agriculture, 1906- ; by: Dept. of Agriculture and Food, <1966->1970.

Histoires de langues : Montréal, a once-divided city ; La logeuse d'Eric Dupont ; et Heroine de Gail Scott

Ayant recours aux théories de la «surconscience linguistique», du «choc des langues» et des «zones de contact» telles que développées par Lise Gauvin, Sherry Simon et Catherine Leclerc, ce mémoire a pour objectif de développer une littérature montréalaise activée par la langue et les langues dans un contexte contemporain. S'inspirant des débats entourant la littérature anglo-québécoise, et la place accordée à l'imaginaire anglo-montréalais et à ses représentants dans l'histoire, deux romans sont analysés du point de vue des langues : La logeuse d'Eric Dupont et Heroine de Gail Scott. À la lumière d'une interdiction formulée par Gilles Marcotte dans « Neil Bissoondath disait… », célèbre brûlot qui prohibe l’analyse conjointe des littératures de langue française et anglaise, l'approche adoptée dans ce mémoire vise par l'intermédiaire des romans à dépasser les propos de Marcotte afin de créer une spécificité montréalaise orientée par des préoccupations linguistiques. Ce mémoire démontre que les propos de Gilles Marcotte sont intenables dans le contexte actuel où les langues ne sont plus une source de division, mais bien un prétexte à joindre dans un propos qui les englobe et les dépasse les corpus de langue anglaise et française dans le contexte montréalais. La logeuse et Heroine témoignent d'un imaginaire et de préoccupations linguistiques comparables et de ce fait, permettent de définir les contours d'une littérature montréalaise activée par les langues. Enfin, ce mémoire se questionne sur l'équation entre langue et culture, mais également entre littérature et culture afin qu'une langue montréalaise, à l'instar d'une littérature montréalaise, prenne forme.

Only if “je est un autre” Can I Recognise You: Reflections on Canada’s Process of Constitutional Recognition of the “Preexistence of Distinctive Aborignial Societies”

1er Prix du concours d'initiation à la recherche organisé par le Regroupement Droit et Changements. La Loi sur les Indiens institutionnalise toujours de nombreuses facettes de ce qu’est être « Indien » pour beaucoup d’individus au Canada et un changement de perspective doit être opéré. Cet essai puise dans la pensée du philosophe Theodor Adorno pour réfléchir aux tentatives de reconnaissance juridique par le Canada des individus et sociétés autochtones en vertu de l’article 35 de la Constitution. L’auteur présente la théorie de la dialectique négative d’Adorno de 1966 sur le rapport à l’altérité, à partir de l’analyse de la professeure Drucilla Cornell, afin d’identifier ce que sa pensée prescrit pour établir des rapports non-oppressants entre Autochtones et non-Autochtones et leurs gouvernements aujourd’hui. La dialectique négative est particulièrement appropriée à la tentative de reconnaissance juridique de l’existence des sociétés autochtones par le Canada, du fait de leur statut marginalisé et de leurs revendications à la spécificité. Après avoir établi un tel cadre, l’auteur souligne que des précédentes tentatives de reconnaissances se sont soldées par des échecs en raison des désaccords au niveau des valeurs impliquées et des concepts utilisés auxquels elles ont donné lieu. Le processus de signature des traités numérotés de 1871-1921 est employé comme illustration en raison de son résultat souvent décrit aujourd’hui comme coercitif et injuste en dépit du discours de négociation sur un pied d’égalité l’ayant accompagné. Les critiques contemporaines de la politique en vigueur de mise en œuvre de l’autonomie gouvernementale autochtone par des accords négociés sont également présentées, afin d’illustrer que des désaccords quant à la manière dont l’État canadien entend reconnaître les peuples autochtones persistent à ce jour. L’auteur ajoute que, du point de vue de la dialectique négative, de tels désaccords doivent nécessairement être résolus pour que des rapports moins oppressifs puissent être établis. L’auteur conclut que la dialectique négative impose à la fois de se considérer soi-même (« je est un autre ») et de considérer l’autre comme au-delà des limites de sa propre pensée. La Cour suprême a déjà reconnu que la seule perspective de la common law n’est pas suffisante pour parvenir à une réconciliation des souverainetés des Autochtones et de la Couronne en vertu de la Constitution. Le concept de common law de fiduciaire présente un véhicule juridique intéressant pour une reconfiguration plus profonde par le gouvernement canadien de son rapport avec les peuples autochtones, priorisant processus plutôt que résultats et relations plutôt que certitude. Il doit toutefois être gardé à l’esprit que la reconnaissance de ces peuples par l’État canadien par le prisme de la pensée d’Adorno présente non seulement le défi d’inclure de nouvelles perspectives, mais également de remettre en cause les prémisses fondamentales à partir desquelles on considère la communauté canadienne en général.

Divided Over Internationalism : The Canadian Public and Development Assistance

This analysis of public opinion towards foreign aid shows that Canadians are divided over internationalism. First, while most citizens agree that development assistance is important, their support often remains shallow, unmatched by a commitment to undertake concrete actions. Second, the attitudes Canadians hold toward development assistance indicate that there is a clear division in the country’s public between liberal and conservative internationalists, a cleavage that is anchored in domestic ideological and partisan differences. In many ways comparable to what is found in other countries, the internationalism of Canadians does not appear as vigorous and as consensual as is often suggested.

Democratic Deliberation in a Multinational Federation

Democratic deliberation is an aspiration that, in the most favorable conditions, remains difficult to achieve. In divided or multinational societies, the requirements of democratic theory appear particularly daunting. This essay surveys the Canadian debate about democratization and constitutional politics to better understand the significance of democratic deliberation in a concrete case, when principles are evoked in a context where institutions, interests, identities and power also matter. The article proposes to think of deliberation and power politics as closely intertwined and, in fact impossible to separate. Even in the best conditions, multinational deliberations always remain imperfect exercises in practical reason.

Working of Women’s Industrial Co-operative Societies in Kerala

This study deals with the working of Women’s Industrial Co-operative Societies (WICS) in Kerala. The formation of women’s co-operatives was identified as a lucrative enterprise and a feasible proposition for empowerment of women through encouraging and ensuring their active participation in the process of social and economic development. The problem of unemployment of Women and poverty in India can be tackled effectively only through suitable and appropriate self-employment schemes. WICS help to supplement the income of families and thus raise the standard of living. WICS in Kerala have a significant role in the elimination of industrial backwardness and mounting employment. This study focuses its attention on the performance aspects of WICS. It also gives an introduction to the co-operative movement and review of literature on industrial co-operatives in general and women’s industrial co-operatives in particular.

A Study of Coir Vyvasaya Co-Operative Societies in Kerala – Performance, Problems and Prospects

The present study was undertaken to evaluate the performance of Coir Vyavasaya Co-operative societies (CVCs) in Kerala. It was also intended to examine the extent of fulfillment of the objectives of Co-operativisation Scheme and the socio-economic betterment of worker members, Further the study was directed to find out the level of participation of members in the affairs of CVCs and to identify the major problems confronting the CVCs and the future prospects of the industry. The objectives of this study are to evaluate the performance of CVCs in Kerala with reference to the objectives of co-operativisation, socio-economic background of the worker members of the CVCs in the state, extent of members participation, major problems etc. Major findings of the study shows that 84% of CVCs surveyed were incurring losses, the long-term solvency position of the CVCS shows very pathetic situation, ration analysis shows and unhealthy state of affaires with respect to short-term solvency position and operating efficiency of all categories of CVS were found to be extremely poor. If CVCs are enabled to increase their quantity of production and there by the volume of business, their amount of loss can be reduced. If this is so, the societies can provide more days of employment to their work members, which will help them to earn more wages and thereby improve their economic and social conditions