709 resultados para Vilablareix (Catalonia) -- Youth -- Government policy
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O objetivo deste trabalho foi analisar o desempenho da cadeia de carne bovina na Venezuela sob o efeito de políticas de intervenção estatal principalmente nas últimas décadas. Para tanto, foi empregada a abordagem teórica do enfoque sistêmico em conjunto com metodologia que se apoiou em um modelo econométrico para explicar o efeito de variáveis tecnológicas e macroeconômicas no agronegócio vis a vis a resultante da produção doméstica de carne bovina nas últimas décadas. Os resultados mostram que, no marco de mudanças institucionais estabelecidas desde a década de 1980 e especialmente as intervenções governamentais vigentes a partir do ano de 2003, a cadeia de carne bovina da Venezuela apresenta um desempenho negocial preocupante e não sustentável. Na última década, a Venezuela decresceu seu inventário bovino a uma taxa média anual de 2,56% entre 2003 e 2014. O número de cabeças/habitante diminuiu a uma taxa anual de 1,30% entre 1960 e 2014, ficando em 0,38 cabeças/habitante. O número de cabeças abatidas sobre o total do rebanho (taxa de desfrute geral do rebanho) foi de 10,82% para o ano de 2014, inferior à média de países vizinhos como Colômbia e Brasil que ficaram em 20,85% e 19,42% respectivamente. A produção doméstica de carne bovina decresceu a uma taxa anual de 2,22% entre 1997 e 2014 (mesmo considerando o abate de bovinos importados). A quantidade de carne oriunda de animais importados cresceu até alcançar um máximo de 58,51% do abate nacional, em 2013. Isto significou um decréscimo real da produção endógena de 71,55% entre os anos de 1997 e 2013. Neste contexto, a produção nacional percapita diminuiu de 18,31 kg/habitante (em 1997) para um mínimo de 3,97 kg/habitante (em 2013). Para o atendimento da demanda doméstica passou-se a contar, crescentemente, com importações de carne in natura que cresceram em volume inicial de 0,59 mil toneladas (t) de equivalente carcaça (em 1997) para um máximo de 307,57 mil t em 2008. A taxa de penetração das importações de carne bovina equivalente (carne e bovinos em pé) resultou em 79,54% do atendimento da demanda doméstica em 2013 (cerca de 15,45 kg/habitante/ano). Neste contexto, as intervenções mais relevantes têm sido a Lei de Terras que propiciou um ambiente de insegurança jurídica; os controles de preços e a política cambial que criaram distorções no mercado; e, a crescente influência nas redes de distribuição de alimentos, com forte dependência do comércio exterior, alavancado com os incrementos no preço internacional do petróleo entre 2003 e 2014. Tudo isto tem resultado em um cenário de desmonte da produção interna da carne bovina, que pode ser visualizado em episódios crescentes de escassez deste produto no mercado interno. Ao final, são sugeridas algumas práticas de políticas pública e setoriais para a reversão desse quadro insustentável para esta importante cadeia de negócios da Venezuela.
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Climate change is critically impacting the environment and economy at the local level. County governments have an opportunity to adopt climate change policies that address local environmental and economic concerns. The Colorado counties of Boulder, Gunnison, and Pitkin have all adopted some form of climate change policies. There are some components of each of these policies that are more effective in terms of economic, environmental, and community benefits. An effective climate change policy clearly states specific cost analyses, environmental impacts at the local level, the relationship between impacts and the community, and the economic benefits of policy adoption. This Capstone project addresses specific cost and energy analyses and provides a beneficial policy framework for county governments.
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The United States and the European Union each have their own policy approach to protect surface water quality. Both policy approaches are similar in many ways. Both rely heavily on command and control. However, there are differences in the application of the details. Both the U.S. and E.U. began current efforts to protect surface water quality in the 1970s, yet quality continues to less than desired in both places. Both have reduced point source pollutants but have had difficulty controlling non-point source pollutants even though policies have been in place for many decades. The successes and failures of the two policies are studied in this project to determine which aspects of both policies will best protect surface water quality in an increasingly complex future.
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Recently, resilience has become a catchall solution for some of the world’s most pressing ecological, economic and social problems. This dissertation analyzes the cultural politics of resilience in Kingston, Jamaica by examining them through their purported universal principles of adaptation and flexibility. On the one hand, mainstream development regimes conceptualize resilience as a necessary and positive attribute of economies, societies and cultures if we are to survive any number of disasters or disturbances. Therefore, in Jamaican cultural and development policy resilience is championed as both a means and an end of development. On the other hand, critics of resilience see the new rollout of resilience projects as deepening neoliberalism, capitalism and new forms of governmentality because resilience projects provide the terrain for new forms of securitization and surveillance practices. These scholars argue that resilience often forecloses the possibilities to resist that which threatens us. However, rather than dismissing resilience as solely a sign of domination and governmentality, this dissertation argues that resilience must be understood as much more ambiguous and complex, rather than within binaries such as subversion vs. neoliberal and resistance vs. resilience. Overly simplistic dualities of this nature have been the dominant approach in the scholarship thus far. This dissertation provides a close analysis of resilience in both multilateral and Jamaican government policy documents, while exploring the historical and contemporary production of resilience in the lives of marginalized populations. Through three sites within Kingston, Jamaica—namely dancehall and street dances, WMW-Jamaica and the activist platform SO((U))L HQ—this dissertation demonstrates that “resilience” is best understood as an ambiguous site of power negotiations, social reproduction and survival in Jamaica today. It is often precisely this ambiguous power of ordinary resilience that is capitalized on and exploited to the detriment of vulnerable groups. At once demonstrating creative negotiation and reproduction of colonial capitalist social relations within the realms of NGO, activist work and cultural production, this dissertation demonstrates the complexity of resilience. Ultimately, this dissertation draws attention to the importance of studying spaces of cultural production in order to understand the power and limits of contemporary policy discourses and political economy.
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This paper analysis the 1994 EU referenda in Austria, Finland, Sweden and Norway in a comparative perspective. It shows that the results were, to some extent at least, related to how pronounced the respective elite consensus was on the necessity or desirability of EU membership. It also shows that in all cases the main motivation of the Yes voters was economic. The paper goes on to analyse the regional and social variations in voting patterns. In the concluding chapter some of the medium- and longterm effects of the referenda debates and results on Austrian, Finnish and Swedish government policy within the EU are outlined.
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Over the past ten to twenty years, Belarus has seen a steep rise in the number of local dollar millionaires. This has somewhat undermined the myth of an egalitarian model of society promoted through the Belarusian state propaganda. There is a small group of businessmen among the top earners who, in exchange for their political loyalty and their consent to share profits with those in power, have enjoyed a number of privileges that allow them to safely conduct business in an environment typically hostile to private enterprise. The favourable conditions under which they are operating have enabled them not only to accumulate substantial capital, but also to invest it abroad. However, since such businesses are seen as providing a financial safety net for the regime, in 2011 and 2012 some of their directors received an EU travel ban, while their companies were subjected to economic sanctions by Brussels. At the same time, fearing that Belarus’s big business could become powerful enough to influence the country’s political scene (as has been the case in Russia and Ukraine), Alexander Lukashenka has actively prevented such players from becoming too independent. Consequently, Belarus has so far not developed its own elite class of oligarchs who would be able to actively influence government policy. The current informal agreement between the government in Minsk and big business has proved stable and is unlikely to change in the near future. Nonetheless, a reordering of state power giving Belarus’s big business significant political influence would be possible should Mr Lukashenka lose power in the next presidential election.
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This article reports on part of a study that looked at the mental health of culturally and linguistically diverse (CALD) young people. The research sought to learn from CALD young people, carers, and service providers experiences relevant to the mental health of this group of young people. The ultimate goal was to gain insights that would inform government policy, service providers, ethnic communities and most importantly the young people themselves. To this end, qualitative interviews were undertaken with 123 CALD young people, 41 carers and 14 mental health service providers in Queensland, Western Australia and South Australia. Only one aspect of the study will be dealt with here, namely the views of the young CALD participants, which included risk factors, coping strategies and recommendations about how they could be supported in their struggle to maintain mental health. One of the most important findings of the study relates to the resilience of these young people and an insight into the strategies that they used to cope. The efforts of these young people to assist us in our attempts to understand their situation deserve to be rewarded by improvements in the care that we provide. To this end this article sets out to inform mental health nurses of the results of the study so that they will be in a position to better understand the needs and strengths of their CALD clients and be in a better position to work effectively with them.
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Practitioners working in Australian mental health services are faced with the challenge of providing appropriate evidence-based interventions that lead to measurable improvement and good outcomes. Current government policy is committed to the development of strategic mental health research. One focus has been on under-researched practice areas, which include the development of psychosocial rehabilitation systems and models that facilitate recovery. To meet this challenge, an Australian rehabilitation service formed a collaborative partnership with a university. The purposes of the collaboration were to implement new forms of service delivery based on consumer need and evidence and to design research projects to evaluate components of the rehabilitation programme. This article examines the process of developing the collaboration and provides examples of how research projects have been used to inform practice and improve the effectiveness of service delivery. Challenges to the sustainability of this kind of collaboration are considered.
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Study objective: UK government policy mandates the introduction of 'intermediate care services' to reduce emergency admissions to hospital from the population aged 75 years or more. We evaluated one of these initiatives-the Keep Well At Home (KWAH) Project-in a West London Primary Care Trust. Design: KWAH involves a two-phase screening process, including a home visit by a community nurse. We employed cohort methods to determine whether KWAH resulted in fewer emergency attendances and admissions to hospital in the target population, from October 1999 to December 2002. Results: estimated levels of coverage in the two phases of screening were 61 and 32%, respectively. The project had not maintained records of which additional health and social care services had been delivered following screening. The rates of emergency admissions to hospital in the 9 months before screening were similar in practices that did and did not join the project (rate ratio (RR) = 1.05; 95% CI 0.95-1.17), suggesting absence of volunteer bias. Over the first 37 months of the project, there was no significant impact on either attendances at Accident & Emergency departments (RR = 1.02; 95% CI 0.97-1.06) or emergency admissions of elderly patients (RR = 0.98; 95% CI 0.93-1.05). Conclusion: the KWAH Project has been ineffective in reducing emergency admissions among the elderly. Significant questions arise in relation to selection of the screening instruments, practicality of achieving higher coverage of the eligible population, and creation of a new postcode lottery.
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This paper draws on Appadurai's (1996) concept of ethnoscapes — the global flow of people or what has become increasingly popularized as the global flow of talent. Singapore has initiated a foreign talent policy to compete for a global pool of talent to make up for its shortfall of indigenous work-force. The rationale for recruiting foreign talent is informed by a nationalist competitive ideology to sustain Singapore in the new knowledge-based economy. This paper examines the competing and dissenting discourses surrounding the foreign talent policy. It argues that the mobility of migratory flow has transformative and disruptive effects at the level of culture and the identity landscape of Singapore, where its discursive cultural boundaries are drawn according to a nationalist framework. Drawing on theories and concepts of ‘diaspora’, ‘hybridity’, and ‘third space’, these are the political and cultural issues that this paper attempts to tease out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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Discriminatory language became an important social issue in the west in the late twentieth century, when debates on political correctness and minority rights focused largely on the issue of respect in language. Japan is often criticized for having made only token attempts to address this issue. This paper investigates how one marginalized group—people with disabilities—has dealt with discriminatory and disrespectful language. The debate has been played out in four public spaces: the media, the law, literature, and the Internet. The paper discusses the kind of language, which has generated protest, the empowering strategies of direct action employed to combat its use, and the response of the media, the bureaucracy, and the literati. Government policy has not kept pace with social change in this area; where it exists at all, it is often contradictory and far from clear. I argue that while the laws were rewritten primarily as a result of external international trends, disability support groups achieved domestic media compliance by exploiting the keen desire of media organizations to avoid public embarrassment. In the absence of language policy formulated at the government level, the media effectively instituted a policy of self-censorship through strict guidelines on language use, thereby becoming its own best watchdog. Disability support groups have recently enlisted the Internet as an agent of further empowerment in the ongoing discussion of the issue.