786 resultados para Socialist parties
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El presente proyecto de investigación analiza la relación entre sociedad y política en la Argentina entre 1955 y 1976. Se trata de un período signado por una aguda crisis socio-política, una profunda pérdida de legitimidad de las instituciones y el Estado y en que la acelerada modernización socio-cultural posterior a 1955 se combinó rápidamente con una tendencia a la radicalización política. Uno de los primeros efectos de este proceso fue la recomposición de la izquierda. Del seno de sus partidos "tradicionales" (el Partido Comunista y Socialista) surgieron diversas formaciones de la "nueva izquierda", mientras que rupturas y transformaciones similares se verificaban en sectores nacionalistas, peronistas y cristianos. Estos nuevos actores sociales y políticos solieron orientarse hacia objetivos que proclamaron la "liberación nacional" y el "socialismo" y hacia estrategias revolucionarias. Nuestro trabajo se interesa centralmente en reconstruir los orígenes de las nuevas prácticas y organizaciones surgidas por entonces así como las formas de articulación entre demandas sociales y propuestas políticas, y entre elencos dirigentes y sectores populares. A su vez, examina una multiplicidad de "casos" que formaron parte de este social y políticamente variado campo, sin subsumirlo exclusivamente al accionar de las organizaciones armadas.
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El presente proyecto de investigación analiza la relación entre sociedad y política en la Argentina entre 1955 y 1976. Se trata de un período signado por una aguda crisis socio-política, una profunda pérdida de legitimidad de las instituciones y el Estado y en que la acelerada modernización socio-cultural posterior a 1955 se combinó rápidamente con una tendencia a la radicalización política. Uno de los primeros efectos de este proceso fue la recomposición de la izquierda. Del seno de sus partidos "tradicionales" (el Partido Comunista y Socialista) surgieron diversas formaciones de la "nueva izquierda", mientras que rupturas y transformaciones similares se verificaban en sectores nacionalistas, peronistas y cristianos. Estos nuevos actores sociales y políticos solieron orientarse hacia objetivos que proclamaron la "liberación nacional" y el "socialismo" y hacia estrategias revolucionarias. Nuestro trabajo se interesa centralmente en reconstruir los orígenes de las nuevas prácticas y organizaciones surgidas por entonces así como las formas de articulación entre demandas sociales y propuestas políticas, y entre elencos dirigentes y sectores populares. A su vez, examina una multiplicidad de "casos" que formaron parte de este social y políticamente variado campo, sin subsumirlo exclusivamente al accionar de las organizaciones armadas.
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El presente proyecto de investigación analiza la relación entre sociedad y política en la Argentina entre 1955 y 1976. Se trata de un período signado por una aguda crisis socio-política, una profunda pérdida de legitimidad de las instituciones y el Estado y en que la acelerada modernización socio-cultural posterior a 1955 se combinó rápidamente con una tendencia a la radicalización política. Uno de los primeros efectos de este proceso fue la recomposición de la izquierda. Del seno de sus partidos "tradicionales" (el Partido Comunista y Socialista) surgieron diversas formaciones de la "nueva izquierda", mientras que rupturas y transformaciones similares se verificaban en sectores nacionalistas, peronistas y cristianos. Estos nuevos actores sociales y políticos solieron orientarse hacia objetivos que proclamaron la "liberación nacional" y el "socialismo" y hacia estrategias revolucionarias. Nuestro trabajo se interesa centralmente en reconstruir los orígenes de las nuevas prácticas y organizaciones surgidas por entonces así como las formas de articulación entre demandas sociales y propuestas políticas, y entre elencos dirigentes y sectores populares. A su vez, examina una multiplicidad de "casos" que formaron parte de este social y políticamente variado campo, sin subsumirlo exclusivamente al accionar de las organizaciones armadas.
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Based on the map of landscapes and permafrost conditions in Yakutia (Merzlotno-landshaftnaya karta Yakutskoi0 ASSR, Gosgeodeziya SSSR, 1991), rasterized maps of permafrost temperature and active-layer thickness of Yakutia, East Siberia were derived. The mean and standard deviation at 0.5-degree grid cell size are estimated by assigning a probability density function at 0.001-degree spatial resolution. Spatial pattern of both variables are dominated by a climatic gradient from north to south, and by mountains and the soil type distribution. Uncertainties are highest in mountains and in the sporadic permafrost zone in the south. The maps are best suited as a benchmark for land surface models which include a permafrost module.
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Following Daniel Ortega's victory in the presidential election held in November 2006, Nicaragua has been undergoing a transition from a democratic to authoritarian system. In the 1980s, Ortega served as President of the Sandinista government and implemented a Cuban-type socialist system, but the system failed and democracy was established during 1990-2007. Considering this failure, why did Ortega succeed in taking power again? This paper provides a brief history of modern Nicaragua and gives some insights into the twists of Latin American politics. The paper was prepared for the international seminar on Helping Failed States Recover: The Role of Business in Promoting Stability and Development, organized by the University of Kansas Center for International Business Education and Research (CIBER), held on April 4-6, 2007 in Lawrence. The opinions and views expressed herein are those of the author. All mistakes and/or errors are entirely the author's responsibility.
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This paper first examines splits and mergers among Kenya’s political parties (and inner-party factions) from the restoration of a multi-party system in 1991 until 2007, before the turbulent 10th general elections were conducted. It then considers what functions “political parties” have in Kenya with special reference to the period since 2002, the year in which President Moi announced his intention to retire. A look back at NARC’s five years of rule reveals that, although it succeeded in changing the government, NARC, as a “political party,” remained throughout an organization without any real substance. The paper looks at (1) NARC’s de facto split after its overwhelming win in the ninth general election, (2) malfunctions of the anti-defection laws that were introduced in the 1960s, and (3) Kenya’s election rules that require candidates to be nominated by registered political parties in general elections. The paper proceeds to argue that as a result of the operation of these three elements, Kenya’s political parties, and especially the victorious coalition sides, tend to end up being nothing more than temporary vehicles for political elites angling for post-election posts.
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If payment of goods is easily default, economic transaction may deeply suffer from the risk. This risky environment formed a mechanism that governs how economic transaction is realized, subsequently how trade credit is given. This paper distinguished ex ante bargaining and ex post enforcement, then modeled that bargaining power reduces trade credit ex ante, and ex post enforcement power and cash in hand of buyer can enhances both trade amount and trade credit in a presence of default risk. We modeled this relationship in order to organize findings from previous literature and from our original micro data on detailed transaction in China to consistently understand the mechanism governing trade credit. Then empirically tested a structure from the theoretical prediction with data. Results show that ex post enforcement power of seller mainly determines size of trade credit and trade amount, cash in hand of buyer can substitute with enforcement power; Bargaining power of seller is exercised to reduces trade credit and trade amount for avoiding default risk, but it simultaneously improves enforcement power as well. We found that ex post enforcement power consists of (ex ante) bargaining power on between two parties and intervention from the third party. However, its magnitude is far smaller than the direct impact to reduce trade credit and trade amount.
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This paper analyzes whether the "presidentialization of political parties" is occurring in newly democratizing Indonesia, as argued by Samuels and Shugart (2010). In Indonesia not all parties are becoming presidentialized. Parties are presidentialized when they have a solid organizational structure and have the potential to win presidential elections. Parties established by a presidential candidate need not face an incentive incompatibility between their executive and legislative branches, since the party leader is not the "agent" but the "principal". On the other hand, small and medium-sized parties, which have few prospects of winning presidential elections, are not actively involved in the election process, therefore party organization is not presidentialized. As the local level, where the head of government has been directly elected by the people since 2005 in Indonesia, the presidentialization of political parties has begun to take place.
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Segunda parte con portadilla propia : Retablissement des manufactures et du commerce d'espagne. Seconde partie ...
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Peer reviewed
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The continuous improvement of management and assessment processes for curricular external internships has led a group of university teachers specialised in this area to develop a mixed model of measurement that combines the verification of skill acquisition by those students choosing external internships with the satisfaction of the parties involved in that process. They included academics, educational tutors of companies and organisations and administration and services personnel in the latter category. The experience, developed within University of Alicante, has been carried out in the degrees of Business Administration and Management, Business Studies, Economics, Advertising and Public Relations, Sociology and Social Work, all part of the Faculty of Economics and Business. By designing and managing closed standardised interviews and other research tools, validated outside the centre, a system of continuous improvement and quality assurance has been created, clearly contributing to the gradual increase in the number of students with internships in this Faculty, as well as to the improvement in satisfaction, efficiency and efficacy indicators at a global level. As this experience of educational innovation has shown, the acquisition of curricular knowledge, skills, abilities and competences by the students is directly correlated with the satisfaction of those parties involved in a process that takes the student beyond the physical borders of a university campus. Ensuring the latter is a task made easier by the implementation of a mixed assessment method, combining continuous and final assessment, and characterised by its rigorousness and simple management. This report presents that model, subject in turn to a persistent and continuous control, a model all parties involved in the external internships are taking part of. Its short-term results imply an increase, estimated at 15% for the last course, in the number of students choosing curricular internships and, for the medium and long-term, a major interweaving between the academic world and its social and productive environment, both in the business and institutional areas. The potentiality of this assessment model does not lie only in the quality of its measurement tools, but also in the effects from its use in the various groups and in the actions that are carried out as a result of its implementation and which, without any doubt and as it is shown below, are the real guarantee of a continuous improvement.
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v.1 (Plates)
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v.3 (text, pts. 3-4)