De autonomías y superposiciones. En torno a los usos de Bourdieu en la historiografía sobre intelectuales y política en la Argentina de los sesenta-setenta

The order you want to achieve in this work is to reconstruct the uses of Bourdieu's work on the historiography of intellectuals and politics in Argentina between 1960 and 1970. Through reading of the major works on this subject, we will analyze the place that occupied the Bourdieu's perspectives in formulating a model of intellectual sixties, politically engaged but with autonomous cultural interventions, and a model of the seventies, whose cultural creations were subordinated an absolute commitment to the policy

Althusser lector de Gramsci

Este trabajo examina las lecturas de Gramsci realizadas por Althusser, desde sus primeras notas críticas y anotaciones hasta sus escritos sobre la ;crisis del marxismo. Subraya la profunda ambivalencia de las interpretaciones de Althusser. Por una parte, Gramsci es presentado como un precursor, como la única figura dentro de la tradición marxista que intentó pensar la superestructura y en particular lo político. Por otra parte, el corpus gramsciano es criticado como la instancia paradigmática de un concepto de la temporalidad y de la política con el que Althusser disiente. Considerando la crítica althusseriana, identificamos dos fases distintas, comenzando por una crítica al desconocimiento del status específico de la ciencia en general, y en particular de la ciencia de la historia, que caracteriza al período de la segunda mitad de los sesentas, Althusser formuló, hacia el final de los setentas, una crítica del concepto gramsciano de hegemonía que, en su opinión, borra el ;problema de la dominación de clase

Peronismo, dictadura y universidades privadas en la Argentina de los años 70

A partir del análisis de normativas universitarias, bibliografía especializada y fundamentalmente fuentes documentales y testimoniales, este artículo aborda la trama del sector universitario privado durante el complejo interregno que significaron los años setentas para la historia reciente Argentina. Observaremos que tras el reingreso del peronismo al poder del Estado en 1973, la alta sustentabilidad adquirida por el sector en años anteriores fue puesta en jaque: conflictos estudiantiles, intervenciones políticas y un crecimiento institucional refrenado, fueron algunos de sus rasgos distintivos. En cuanto a la última dictadura militar (1976-1983), abrió una contradictoria etapa de desarrollo para las universidades privadas. Pese a la alternancia de católicos conservadores en el área educativa y al sesgo privatista identificado como un hito del modelo económico implementado, el sector privado resultó contraído en el marco del avasallamiento más brutal del sistema universitario en su conjunto. Sin embargo, algunas universidades católicas resultaron beneficiadas con importantes estímulos económicos.

"Monasterio de Sal" : Om elbasens introduktion i flamencovärlden via Carles Benavent

Flamenco guitarist Paco de Lucía, taking advantage of the ongoing cultural revolution in Spain during the seventies decided to break from tradition by shaping ”Nuevo Flamenco” through flamenco-jazz ensemble ”Paco de Lucía Sextet”. Within its repertoire, the first regular flamenco bass-line: ”Monasterio de Sal”. Electrical bassist Carles Benavent would have a key role in this development, a trait seldom found in academical works of musicology. The aim of the present thesis is to partially fill this void while shedding some light on the revolutionary contributions of Benavent. In order to do so, studying relevant literature, listening to phonograms comparatively, transcribing/analyzing ”Monasterio de Sal” and interviewing Mr. Benavent himself were used as main methods. The conclusion has been drawn that there was barely any electrical bass in flamenco before Benavent and that his work with de Lucía (and later others) would entirely reform the way electric bass was perceived from within and outside this genre of music. It is of no less interest to observe that Benavents main influences for this endeavor were the principal figures of contemporary jazz-bass (Jaco Pastorius) and flamenco-guitar (Paco de Lucía) respectively, infusing ”Monasterio de Sal”, with meaningful historical value.

Althusser lector de Gramsci

Este trabajo examina las lecturas de Gramsci realizadas por Althusser, desde sus primeras notas críticas y anotaciones hasta sus escritos sobre la ;crisis del marxismo. Subraya la profunda ambivalencia de las interpretaciones de Althusser. Por una parte, Gramsci es presentado como un precursor, como la única figura dentro de la tradición marxista que intentó pensar la superestructura y en particular lo político. Por otra parte, el corpus gramsciano es criticado como la instancia paradigmática de un concepto de la temporalidad y de la política con el que Althusser disiente. Considerando la crítica althusseriana, identificamos dos fases distintas, comenzando por una crítica al desconocimiento del status específico de la ciencia en general, y en particular de la ciencia de la historia, que caracteriza al período de la segunda mitad de los sesentas, Althusser formuló, hacia el final de los setentas, una crítica del concepto gramsciano de hegemonía que, en su opinión, borra el ;problema de la dominación de clase

De autonomías y superposiciones. En torno a los usos de Bourdieu en la historiografía sobre intelectuales y política en la Argentina de los sesenta-setenta

The order you want to achieve in this work is to reconstruct the uses of Bourdieu's work on the historiography of intellectuals and politics in Argentina between 1960 and 1970. Through reading of the major works on this subject, we will analyze the place that occupied the Bourdieu's perspectives in formulating a model of intellectual sixties, politically engaged but with autonomous cultural interventions, and a model of the seventies, whose cultural creations were subordinated an absolute commitment to the policy

Experiencia, lenguaje e identidad : Algunas notas sobre el concepto de experiencia en la obra de Joan W. Scott

Este artículo se propone analizar la noción de experiencia presente en la obra de la historiadora feminista norteamericana Joan W. Scott. Se realiza un recorrido por las conceptualizaciones de dicha noción utilizadas en la Historia Social de los años sesenta, setenta y ochenta con las cuales Scott ha tenido importantes diálogos y discusiones. Por último, se presentan algunas críticas y limitaciones que, tanto desde la historia con perspectiva de género como desde la teoría feminista, se han señalado sobre el concepto de experiencia desarrollada por Scott

A Sham Delight Has No Exchange Value: Henri Lefebvre and the evolution of Bernard Tschumi's early architectural theory

Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-06

IGREJA DE CRISTO PENTECOSTAL NO BRASIL fundação, re(d)ação e teologia no contexto brasileiro de 1934 a 1986

O objetivo desse trabalho é investigar a compreensão do papel da Igreja e do fiel no mundo segundo as publicações da Igreja de Cristo Pentecostal no Brasil (ICPB) e interpreta os resul-tados em diálogo com o contexto social, cultural, econômico, político e religioso do Brasil da época. Como recorte temporal propõem-se os anos 1934-1986, o que contempla a época da chegada dos/as fundadores/as, Horace e Carolyn Ward, Chester e Rachel Miller e Annie e Russel Frew, vindos dos Estados Unidos; a época de Ernst Grimm, um pregador estoniano; e a época de José Pinto de Oliveira, primeiro brasileiro eleito superintendente geral. A ênfase nestas personalidades se torna também plausível por serem durante este tempo os principais escritores da igreja, autores e autoras dos textos a serem interpretados neste trabalho. A hipó-tese desse trabalho é que, paralelo à ascensão da liderança brasileira, ocorre uma crescente sen-sibilização para questões sociais, apesar de que esta dinâmica seja interrompida com o surgi-mento da ditadura militar a partir de 1964, mas, retomada já na década setenta do século pas-sado. Como método propõe-se a analisar o ensino teológico-doutrinário encontrado em publi-cações oficiais da ICPB, tais como os seus jornais oficiais, brasileiro e estadunidense, as suas edições da revista da Escola Dominical, as suas atas de convenções gerais, bem como livros e anotações e rascunhos de autoria dos/as pioneiros/as acima mencionados/as. Conclua-se que as teologias e análises do contexto encontradas nas publicações, justificam uma compreensão mais diversificada: por um lado, evidencia-se, em termos religiosos e políticos, uma maior pro-ximidade entre as posições defendidas pelos autores e as correntes mais conservadoras (ou até reacionárias) do país. Por outro lado, transparecem ao lado desse discurso dominante aborda-gens dissonantes e com o potencial de servirem de ponto de partida para uma atuação da ICPB e da sua membresia mais relevante na sociedade, inclusive a denuncia da injustiça socio-econômica, e que estes respectivos discursos são encontrados mais entre lideranças nacionais.

ESPERANÇA E DECEPÇÃO: SINDICALISMO, PARTIDO DOS TRABALHADORES, E IGREJA CATÓLICA NO ABC PAULISTA (1978 2002)

A presente tese procura demonstrar como a Igreja Católica, a partir de Leão XIII, despertou para a questão social, particularmente a dos trabalhadores, fornecendo uma intelectualidade que influenciaria muitas gerações de católicos que aí encontrariam o substrato e o contraponto das concepções marxistas. Com o avanço das correntes progressistas dentro da Igreja, estes se reorientaram e tentaram fazer o cruzamento entre o marxismo e o cristianismo, que culminaria com a Teologia da Libertação. Este foi o momento do encontro também com o movimento sindical, por meio de seus militantes e das Comunidades Eclesiais de Base. Essa intersecção forneceu a base moral que norteou o movimento sindical no final dos anos 70, dando origem ao chamado novo sindicalismo . Os militantes acreditavam que a classe trabalhadora estava engajada e comprometida com as mudanças sociais, quando, na verdade, esta pensava em suas questões mais particulares. Com o tempo, a Igreja, por meio de sua hierarquia, fragmentou a rede de apoio ao movimento sindical e a utopia se desvaneceu.(AU)

Neo-Nazism in West Germany

The oharaoter of right-wing extremism in the Federal Republic has undergone extensive transformations in the seventies. As electoral support for the extreme Right declined, a whole range of new groupings emerged pursuing a militant extra-parliamentary strategy. Essential charaoteristics are an increasing tendency to use violence and a close ideological affinity to the NSDAP. They attract a growing number of young people. The increasing susceptibility of young people to rightist ideologies coincides with an economic recession of which young people especially are the victims. Widespread ignorance about Nazism and the prevalence of anti-democratic political attitudes constitute important contributary factors and point to a considerable potential for right-extremism in the Federal Republic., This potential can be attributed. to the negative effects of much of the material dealing with the NS past, to serious deficiencies in the area of historical-political education in schools and, above all, to the absence of any :real process of "coming to terms with the past" in the postwar period. Neo-Nazism is not completely isolated from other trends in West German society. Rightist elements within the established party system and broad sections of the population hold similar views and attitudes. This similarity, linked with an over-exaggerated concern with a perceived threat from the extreme Left may explain the absence of any concerted effort to deal with nee-Nazi tendencies. The response of the courts exemplifies a widespread tendency to under-estimate the significance of the extreme Right. Opposition to the Right is restricted primarily to those circles which suffered most under the Nazi regime. The analysis suggests that one must reject the simplistic view that at the present time the Right does not constitute a serious threat to West German democracy. The study evaluates the wide range of views to be found in secondary sources on the subject of neo-Nazism and is :intended, to contribute to the ongoing discussion conceming the potential for right-extremism in West Germany.

El reencuentro de la música española con la Latinomérica poscolonial:el caso Joaquín Sabina

La música se convirtió en los años setenta en el medio para encauzar la oposición al régimen franquista y la incertidumbre ante la transición. Del ejemplo y la fascinación con la revolución cubana, a la oposición a las dictaduras chilena (1973), uruguaya (1974) y argentina (1976), todos ellos fueron hechos que en España se vivieron como propios. En esos años los cantautores españoles reivindicaban la libertad de expresión y el final de todas las dictaduras. Sin embargo, la música española comienza a transformar su mirada hacia Latinoamérica cuando la democracia es un hecho. Se representa ahora un nuevo espacio latinoamericano que me propongo caracterizar en este artículo, y a través del caso concreto de Joaquín Sabina, como "post-colonial".The music in the seventies became the vehicle for channeling opposition to the regime and the uncertainty of the transition. From the example and the fascination with the Cuban revolution, opposition to the dictatorships in Chile (1973), Uruguay (1974) and Argentina (1976), they were all events that were lived in Spain as their own. In those years the Spanish songwriters claiming freedom of expression and end of all dictatorships. However, the Spanish music begins to turn their attention to Latin America where democracy is a fact. It is now a new Latin American space I propose to characterize in this article, and through the specific case of Joaquin Sabina, as "post-colonial".J A brief survey of style to your work reflects his role as poet cult following in the wake of Herrera or Gongora, as did Antequerana School, aims to upgrade from his vivid descriptions, his Christian ideas and a lyrical formal mannerisms full of clichés.

Rio and the Reds: The Comando Vermelho, Organized Crime and Brazil’s Economic Ascent [Student’s Paper Series]

Brazil’s growing status as a potential world power cannot obscure the characteristics of its other reality: that of a country with vast inequalities and high crime rates. The Comando Vermelho, the most prominent organized crime syndicate in Rio de Janeiro, besieges the beauty and charm that attracts tourists to this city. The CV arose not only as a product of the political dictatorship of the seventies, but also of the disenfranchised urban poor crammed into Rio’s favela slums. Today, the CV presents a powerful challenge to the State’s control of parts of Rio territory. As Brazil’s soft power projection grows, it is seriously challenged by its capacity to eliminate organized crime. Economic growth is not sufficient to destroy a deeply embedded organization like the CV. In fact, Brazil’s success may yet further retrench the CV’s activities. Culpability for organized crime cannot be merely limited to the gangs, but must also be shared among the willing consumers, among whom can be found educated and elite members of society, as well as the impoverished and desperate. The Brazilian government needs a top-down response addressing the schism between rich and poor. However, Brazil’s citizens must also take responsibility and forge a bottom-up response to the drug- and corruption-riddled elements of its most respected members of society. Brazil must target reform across public health, housing, education and above all, law enforcement. Without such changes, Brazil will remain a two-track democracy. Rio’s wealthy will still be able to revel in the city’s beauty albeit from behind armored cars and fortified mansions, while the city’s poor will yield – either as victims or perpetrators – to the desperate measures of organized crime.

Diagnóstico ambiental da área de influência do complexo sucroalcooleiro Usina Vale do São Simão Ltda

One of the most widespread renewable energy sources in Brazil is ethanol, from sugarcane, therefore, the sugar and alcohol sector is expanding, with positive impacts for the economy of the country. Sugar cane was introduced in Brazil as a crop during its colonization, for the production of sugar, and put the country in the global scenario. The expansion of this crop occurred in the seventies, to reduce the reliance in fossil energy sources and to stimulate the development of the agricultural activity. Thus, the federal government has promoted the sugar cane crop and the production of ethanol as a fuel. However, it is important to minimize possible impacts that the crop may cause to the environment. Sugar cane has expanded in the frontiers of the mesoregion of Triângulo Mineiro and Alto Paranaíba-MG, and, in this perspective, the agroindustrial complex known as Companhia Energética Vale do São Simão Ltda., with the Mill located in the county of Santa Vitória, Minas Gerais, was adopted to evaluate the environmental impacts caused by the sugarcane in the area of influence of the mill. The mill has a polygonal area corresponding to 53,525.20 hectares, and for its establishment a Study and Report of Environmental Impacts (EIA/RIMA) was presented, as required as an environment protection instrument by the Environment National Policy (Law nº 6.938/81), and detailed by the Resolution CONAMA nº 01/1986. These studies pointed that native vegetation fragments in the Area of Influence of the Mill, before its implantation, corresponded to approximately 20.7% of the area. Therefore, this study evaluated the impacts of the installation of Usina Vale do São Simão, between 2007 and 2012, determining its reflex on the environmental regularization of the farms, and the vegetation fragments existing in the area, in the recovery and recomposition of areas defined as Legal Reserve and Permanent Preservation. Previous studies of the area were analyzed, soil use and occupation was mapped for the years 2007 and 2012, and the areas of permanent preservation and native vegetation fragments were marked. In general, there was a decline in native vegetation coverage in the period, although it cannot be stated that such reduction was a direct effect of the milling activity. Therefore, the legal requirement of preserving such areas was not capable of bringing the positive effects of protection and recovery as demanded by the Law, highlighting that the current legislation was not enough to protect such areas.

Peronismo, dictadura y universidades privadas en la Argentina de los años 70

A partir del análisis de normativas universitarias, bibliografía especializada y fundamentalmente fuentes documentales y testimoniales, este artículo aborda la trama del sector universitario privado durante el complejo interregno que significaron los años setentas para la historia reciente Argentina. Observaremos que tras el reingreso del peronismo al poder del Estado en 1973, la alta sustentabilidad adquirida por el sector en años anteriores fue puesta en jaque: conflictos estudiantiles, intervenciones políticas y un crecimiento institucional refrenado, fueron algunos de sus rasgos distintivos. En cuanto a la última dictadura militar (1976-1983), abrió una contradictoria etapa de desarrollo para las universidades privadas. Pese a la alternancia de católicos conservadores en el área educativa y al sesgo privatista identificado como un hito del modelo económico implementado, el sector privado resultó contraído en el marco del avasallamiento más brutal del sistema universitario en su conjunto. Sin embargo, algunas universidades católicas resultaron beneficiadas con importantes estímulos económicos.