914 resultados para Rittermere Farm Craft Studio
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[Vie de saint Augustin (latin). 1731]
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[Vie de saint Augustin (latin). 1731]
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This thesis analyzes the practices and experiences of two groups of Canadian volunteers who visited the organic fanning and "alternative development" project ofFinca la Flor (FLF) in central Costa Rica. Using both participant observation and in-depth interviews with volunteers and other people involved with FLF, I examine volunteers' understandings of their involvement with the fann. I argue that three discursive fonnations are instrumental in shaping this particular volunteering encounter. Specifically, interpretation of these Canadian volunteers' experiences inspires the argument that the emerging practice of international volunteering (or voluntourism) exists at the intersection of discourses of development, volunteering and tourism, all of which both reflect and maintain problematic North-South relationships. The analysis shows that in spite ofFLF's construction as an (alternative / sustainable) international-development project, and in spite of volunteers' initial conceptualization of their trip as "volunteering," volunteers tend to act and describe their time at FLF in ways that look more like tourism than like volunteer labor or international development. Likewise, although FLF claims to principally be focused on alternative development, and merely to open up this authentic development space to volunteers for their participation, the organization in both practice and discourse seems primarily to construct a tourist experience and cater to the needs of foreigners as tourists. Discourses of development and volunteering do infonn the practices offann personnel and volunteers at FLF, but they become subordinated to the more dominant discourse of tourism as the volunteers' and fann management's ideals of development and volunteering capitulate to become focused on satisfying volunteers' (perceived or "real") touristic desires. The FLF participants I studied may have entered the encounter as volunteers, but they departed the site having been tourists.
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Ellis (2004) argues that auto ethnography is a methodology that begins with the researcher as the site of study. Employing a qualitative storytelling structure shows, instead of tells. As the audience reads, they are encouraged to relate the research to their experiences, provoking reflective knowledge development. As an outdoor educator, I began to question the nature of my craft and how it was being shaped by my personal educational philosophy. So, drawing on a reflective journal I kept while employed as an outdoor educator in 2007, three outdoor educators published narratives, and a historical review of newspaper articles about Ontario-based outdoor education, conducted an autoethnographic inquiry and built a fictional story about my craft. I exposed five faultlines or areas of ideological tension, shaping my views about outdoor education and my craft.
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This unidentified African Canadian man is photographed at the Dominion Photo Studio, located at 388 Queen St. West in Toronto. The photographer's name is not known. No date is provided, however, the Dominion Studio is listed as operating from 1893-1894. The reverse of the card displays the Dominion Photo Studio stamp in gold lettering (image also attached). The gentleman in this cabinet card is possibly a relative of the Sloman - Bell family, who settled in the London and St. Catharines areas of Ontario. This cabinet card was among the family memorabilia in the possession of Iris Sloman Bell, of St. Catharines. Relatives of the Sloman - Bell family include former African American slaves who came to Canada.The Dominion Portait Co. is listed as operating from 1893-1894 in Toronto. There is an additional listing for the Dominion Portrait Co. (Gourlay and Clark props.) for 1894. Source: Phillips, Glen C. The Ontario photographers list (1851-1900). Sarnia: Iron Gate Publishing Co., 1990. "Cabinet card photographs were first introduced in 1866. They were initially employed for landscapes rather than portraitures. Cabinet cards replaced Carte de visite photographs as the popular mode of photography. Cabinet cards became the standard for photographic portraits in 1870. Cabinet cards experienced their peak in popularity in the 1880's. Cabinet cards were still being produced in the United States until the early 1900's and continued to be produced in Europe even longer. The best way to describe a cabinet card is that it is a thin photograph that is mounted on a card that measures 4 1/4″ by 6 1/2″. Cabinet cards frequently have artistic logos and information on the bottom or the reverse of the card which advertised the photographer or the photography studio's services." Source: http://cabinetcardgallery.wordpress.com/category/cabinet-card-history/
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The article focuses on three results of the study: "(1)Communicate your results outside the research. Write articles in popular and industry magazines. Speak at producer meetings and develop websites that can be used to transfer research results into practice. (2) Choose places (e.g. farms or plants) that have managers who believe in your research, and be prepared to spend a lot of time with the first place that uses your findings. (3) to fail. (4) Do not allow your technology to get tied up in patent disputes."
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The book contains account information and also lists some birth and death dates.
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Another account book with some pages missing and some damaged.
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Payment for the Atkins and Schmidt accounts from Jarvis, Conklin and Morgan Negotiators of Farm Mortgages, Dec. 29, 1884.
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Letter (1 page, printed) regarding farm loans addressed to S.D. Woodruff from Jarvis, Conklin and Co., Sept. 12, 1882.
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Letter to S.D. Woodruff to acknowledge the sending of Crew and Mauk papers signed Jarvis, Conklin and Co., April 15, 1885.
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Letter to S.D. Woodruff which accompanied Crick documents. It is signed Jarvis, Conklin and Morgan Farm Mortgages, April 18, 1885.