Down, down but not different: Australia’s supermarkets in a race to the bottom

For 25 years, Woolworths told shoppers they were “the fresh food people”. It was a very clear point of difference and delivered the group a sustainable competitive advantage. Any attempt by a competitor to replicate it would have been dismissed as lacking credence; a simple market-follower strategy.

Halvennettu työ : Pätkätyö ja sukupuoli sopimusyhteiskuntaa edeltävissä työmarkkinakäytännöissä

Unvalued Work. Gender and fragmented labour before national collective bargaining Systematically irregular work creates economic and social insecurity. A novelty? To think that globalisation results in unprecedented labour conditions turns out to be questionable when the idea is put in perspective. In the light of history there is nothing new in the frequency of today s short-term employment, for instance, ranking genders in labour relations in an old custom. Unvalued Work (Halvennettu työ) examines the regulation and management of labour before the time of collective bargaining. In the study present trends engage in a dialogue with empirical findings from the past. Preventing trade unions to take the initiative has been and remains an employer interest. The analysis focuses on female employment in the 1920s and 1930s. The inferences challenge to ask on what conditions the history of Finnish labour relations warrants on the whole speaking of contractual security, stable earnings and regular waged work that provides livelihood. Success in selling one s labour is not synonymous with good employment that yields decent income. Juxtaposing labour relations between the world wars and the 21st century helps us to understand the currently transforming labour market. Present policies are informed by past choices and patterns of thought. Unvalued Work (Halvennettu työ) offers instruments for making sense of today s labour relations.

Reconstituting identity and history in post-war Mostar, Bosnia-Herzegovina

This paper by Carl Grodach demonstrates the careful unravelling of complexity, diversity, contestation and contradictions involved in the reconstruction of symbolic urban spaces after violent conflict, and the allied processes of cultural reinterpretation, political reconfiguration and material revaluation which accompany it. The paper analyses the reconstruction and redevelopment of the 16th-century historic centre of Mostar, Bosnia-Herzegovina, following the Bosnian Wars of 1992–1995. Reconstruction efforts centre around Stari Most, the 16th-century Ottoman bridge destroyed by Bosnian Croat military in 1993. In Mostar, both international and local organizations are in the process of reinterpreting Bosnia’s legacy of Ottoman city spaces. This research and analysis illuminates how such spaces can be central to contemporary projects to redefine group identities and conceptions of place. It provides insight into the ways various groups are attempting to reshape outside perceptions of the city—and Bosnia’s ethnic conflict—to articulate a new definition of local identity and ethnic relations and to remake a stable tourist economy through Mostar’s urban spaces.

Optimal advertisement-innovation mix for maximizing the discounted flow of profit

Due to boom in telecommunications market, there is hectic competition among the cellular handset manufacturers. As cellular manufacturing industry operates in an oligopoly framework, often price-rigidity leads to non-price wars. The handset manufacturing firms indulge in product innovation and also advertise their products in order to achieve their objective of maximizing discounted flow of profit. It is of interest to see what would be the optimal advertisement-innovation mix that would maximize the discounted How of profit for the firms. We used differential game theory to solve this problem. We adopted the open-loop solution methodology. We experimented for various scenarios over a 30 period horizon and derived interesting managerial insights.

The British Intervention in South Russia 1918-1920

Soon after the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917, a three-year civil war broke out in Russia. As in many other civil wars, foreign powers intervened in the conflict. Britain played a leading role in this intervention and had a significant effect on the course of the war. Without this intervention on the White side, the superiority of numbers in manpower and weaponry of the Bolsheviks would have quickly overwhelmed their opponents. The aim of this dissertation is to explain the nature and role of the British intervention on the southern, and most decisive, front of the Civil War. The political decision making in London is studied as a background, but the focus of the dissertation is on the actual implementation of the British policy in Russia. The British military mission arrived in South Russia in late 1918, and started to provide General Denikin s White army with ample supplies. General Denikin would have not been able to build his army of more than 200,000 men or to make his operation against Moscow without the British matériel. The British mission also organized the training and equipping of the Russian troops with British weapons. This made the material aid much more effective. Many of the British instructors took part in fighting the Bolsheviks despite the orders of their government. The study is based on primary sources produced by British departments of state and members of the British mission and military units in South Russia. Primary sources from the Whites, including the personal collections of several key figures of the White movement and official records of the Armed Forces of South Russia are also used to give a balanced picture of the course of events. It is possible to draw some general conclusions from the White movement and reasons for their defeat from the study of the British intervention. In purely material terms the British aid placed Denikin s army in a far more favourable position than the Bolsheviks in 1919, but other military defects in the White army were numerous. The White commanders were unimaginative, their military thinking was obsolete, and they were incapable of organizing the logistics of their army. There were also fundamental defects in the morale of the White troops. In addition to all political mistakes of Denikin s movement and a general inability to adjust to the complex situation in Revolutionary Russia, the Whites suffered a clear military defeat. In South Russia the Whites were defeated not because of the lack of British aid, but rather in spite of it.

Ühis- ning erijooni Soome ja Eesti Kaitseliitude puhkpillimuusikas aastatel 1925-1934.

This study focuses on the similarities and differences between the Estonian Defence League and the Finnish Civil Guard brass bands during the period 1925-1934. By 1934 this paramilitary volunteer state defence organisation had reached stability in its development, such that social, cultural and patriotic education of the people - with the help of brass band music among other means- had acquired a significant role, in addition to prioritised military and sports activities. The study begins with introductory paragraphs I and II, which describes the founding of the organisations, their participation in the Wars of Independence and their subsequent peace time activities as well as their representation in the media at the time. The thesis also briefly introduces military music in Finland and Estonia, as well as describes the influence of military music on the Defence League brass bands. The period under review includes the global economic crisis, which undoubtedly concerned the Defence League/Civil Guard and the Lapua and War of Independence movements, which greatly affected the apolitical principles of the organisations. The main emphasis of the thesis is the Defence League/Civil Guard brass band`s musical activities in two counties - Etelä-Pohjanmaa and Pärnumaa, while also including a general overview of the Estonian Defence League brass bands´ activities. One of the most important benefits of the thesis is its introduction of the brass band repertoire in use at the time, which was played by both professional and as well as amateur orchestras the latter of which also included the brass bands of the Defence League/Civil Guard and the Fire Services. Brass band music held a secondary, yet significant position in the Defence League/Civil Guard, where the orchestra as a musical grouping was obliged to perform not only at inner-organisational and national celebrations but also at any event requiring brass band music, such as song festivals, singing days, and other local cultural events. The professional preparation of the band conductors at the beginning of the period under review was not well specialised, but the training of the Defence League/Civil Defence brass band conductors was carried out regularly in both republic according to the opportunities and dedicated training programmes available. The musicians of the Defence League/Civil Defence brass bands were at the same time members of the military organisations as well as amateur musicians, which placed upon them extra demands - they were under close public supervision in all situations. Based on the principle of chronology it appeared that both Finnish and Estonian respective organisations´ brass bands used the gradually improving economic situation for purchasing musical instruments, obtaining repertoire and training musicians/conductors. Despite the fact that brass band music in the Defence League/Civil Guard was considered an amateur activity and a hobby, the more far-reaching objective of the organisation was to resemble the Defence Forces´ orchestras as closely as possible in all aspects. The Defence League/Civil Guard brass band music definitely had a significant influence on forming, developing and enriching music life in both republics. The reviewed nine-year period introduced the musical activities of the Defence League/Civil Guard against the background of the everyday life of the organisation and the need for brass band music and its continuity in the voluntary state defence institutions of both republics.

The German Military Entrepreneur Ernst von Mansfeld and His Conduct of Asymmetrical Warfare in the Thirty Years War

The dissertation examines aspects of asymmetrical warfare in the war-making of the German military entrepreneur Ernst von Mansfeld during his involvement in the Thirty Years War. Due to the nature of the inquiry, which combines history with military-political theory, the methodological approach of the dissertation is interdisciplinary. The theoretical framework used is that of asymmetrical warfare. The primary sources used in the dissertation are mostly political pamphlets and newsletters. Other sources include letters, documents, and contemporaneous chronicles. The secondary sources are divided into two categories, literature on the history of the Thirty Years War and textbooks covering the theory of asymmetrical warfare. The first category includes biographical works on Ernst von Mansfeld, as well as general histories of the Thirty Years War and seventeenth-century warfare. The second category combines military theory and political science. The structure of the dissertation consists of eight lead chapters, including an introduction and conclusion. The introduction covers the theoretical approach and aims of the dissertation, and provides a brief overlook of the sources and previous research on Ernst von Mansfeld and asymmetrical warfare in the Thirty Years War. The second chapter covers aspects of Mansfeld s asymmetrical warfare from the perspective of operational art. The third chapter investigates the illegal and immoral aspects of Mansfeld s war-making. The fourth chapter compares the differing methods by which Mansfeld and his enemies raised and financed their armies. The fifth chapter investigates Mansfeld s involvement in indirect warfare. The sixth chapter presents Mansfeld as an object and an agent of image and information war. The seventh chapter looks into the counter-reactions, which Mansfeld s asymmetrical warfare provoked from his enemies. The eighth chapter offers a conclusion of the findings. The dissertation argues that asymmetrical warfare presented itself in all the aforementioned areas of Mansfeld s conduct during the Thirty Years War. The operational asymmetry arose from the freedom of movement that Mansfeld enjoyed, while his enemies were constrained by the limits of positional warfare. As a non-state operator Mansfeld was also free to flout the rules of seventeenth-century warfare, which his enemies could not do with equal ease. The raising and financing of military forces was another source of asymmetry, because the nature of early seventeenth-century warfare favoured private military entrepreneurs rather than embryonic fiscal-military states. The dissertation also argues that other powers fought their own asymmetrical and indirect wars against the Habsburgs through Mansfeld s agency. Image and information were asymmetrical weapons, which were both aimed against Mansfeld and utilized by him. Finally, Mansfeld s asymmetrical threat forced the Habsburgs to adapt to his methods, which ultimately lead to the formation of a subcontracted Imperial Army under the management and leadership of Albrecht von Wallenstein. Therefore Mansfeld s asymmetrical warfare ultimately paved way for the kind of state-monopolized, organised, and symmetrical warfare that has prevailed from 1648 onwards. The conclusion is that Mansfeld s conduct in the Thirty Years War matched the criteria for asymmetrical warfare. While traditional historiography treated Mansfeld as an anomaly in the age of European state formation, his asymmetrical warfare has begun to bear resemblance to the contemporary conflicts, where nation states no longer hold the monopoly of violence.

Deutschland, Deutschland über alles : Tysk föreningsverksamhet i Finland och Sverige 1910-1950

The voluntary associations dealt with in this dissertation were ethnic clubs and societies promoting the interests of German immigrants in Finland and Sweden. The associations were founded at the end of the 19th century as well as at the beginning of the 20th century during a time in which migration was high, the civil society grew rapidly and nationalism flourished. The work includes over 70 different associations in Finland and Sweden with a number of members ranging from ten to at most 2, 500. The largest and most important associations were situated in Helsinki and Stockholm where also most of the German immigrants lived. The main aim of this work is to explore to what extent and how the changes in government in Germany during 1910 to 1950 were reflected in the structures and participants, financial resources and meeting places, networks and activities of the German associations in Finland and Sweden. The study also deals with how a collective German national identity was created within the German associations. The period between 1910 and 1950 has been described by Hobsbawm as the apogee of nationalism. Nationalism and transnationalism are therefore key elements in the work. Additionally the research deals with theories about associations, networking and identity. The analysis is mostly based on minutes of meetings, descriptions of festivities, annual reports and historical outlines about the associations. Archival sources from the German legations, the German Foreign Office, and Finnish and Swedish officials such as the police and the Foreign Offices are also used. The study shows that the collective national identity in the associations during the Weimar Republic mostly went back to the time of the Wilhelmine Empire. It is argued that this fact, the cultural propaganda and the aims of the Weimar Republic to strengthen the contacts between Germany and the German associations abroad, and the role of the German legations and envoys finally helped the small groups of NSDAP to infiltrate, systematically coordinate and finally centralize the German associational life in Finland and Sweden. The Gleichschaltung did not go as smoothly as the party wanted, though. There was a small but consistent opposition that continued to exist in Finland until 1941 and in Sweden until 1945. The collective national identity was displayed much more in Sweden than in Finland, where the associations kept a lower profile. The reasons for the profile differences can be found in the smaller number of German immigrants in Finland and the greater German propaganda in Sweden, but also in the Finnish association act from 1919 and the changes in it during the 1920s and 1930s. Finally, the research shows how the loss of two world wars influenced the associations. It argues that 1918 made the German associations more vulnerable to influence from Germany, whereas 1945 brought the associational life back to where it once started as welfare, recreational and school associations.

Espacios de paz : nuevos caminos de teologías interculturales de la paz

Resumen: Los múltiples movimientos de migración causados por la guerra, la violencia, la pobreza y las diversas violaciones de los derechos humanos son signos de nuestro tiempo. Históricamente, el término “paz” se asocia con la libertad y el espacio habitable de la ciudad. ¿Qué significa hablar de “paz” en un mundo en el cual las ciudades, espacios de libertad y seguridad, se tornan cada vez más fracturadas e incluso destruidas? Con este trasfondo, este aporte intenta trazar pistas para una teología intercultural de la paz e ilustrar algunos “espacios de paz” creados por mujeres.

“Y a medida que el trabajo de la muerte avanzaba, y el aire se volvía más calmado, los ruidos de la artillería pesada parecían sacudir los techos de las iglesias sobre las aterrorizadas gentes que se reunían en ellas” : la otra guerra de la independencia

La Guerra de la Independencia, según la denominación tradicional de la historiografía española o The Peninsular Wars, como se suele denominar ese acontecimiento por los historiadores de habla inglesa, se perfila como uno de esos momentos en que las relaciones hispano-británicas adquieren una intensidad especial. De esa colaboración, de ese acto de comunicación intensa entre combatientes de un mismo enemigo, surgen unas manifestaciones literarias y muchos más relatos y diarios escritos por oficiales e incluso simples soldados del ejército de su majestad que contienen todo un tesoro de anécdotas, descripciones, y, principalmente, valoraciones dignas de analizar y hasta de disfrutar. Se trata, en este caso, de una recopilación de vivencias muy personales, en la mayoría de las ocasiones muy dolorosas, como cabría esperar de una guerra, y que a menudo ofrecen juicios y opiniones de España y Portugal que revelan una actitud paternalista y crítica.

Identidad y memoria como principio de legitimación : el caso de la construcción del poder imperial de Séptimo Severo

Abstract: I will focus on the Roman Empire during the final years of the 2nd century A.D., which are considered by Classical Historiography as critical. This epithet is based on the detection of estructural and circumstancial changes linked to state power’s concept. Emperor Pertinax’s murder in 193 can be understood as the trigger of the civil war extended up to the year 197. During those years the tutelary of state power was jeopardized, when four Emperors were crowned at the same time. By the time this struggle ended, Lucius Septimius Severus was recognized as the victorious general and the first of his name in the new dynastic line. Considering these facts, it is the purpose of my work to analize the rising figure of Septimius Severus, from civil war’s clashing context through which the Emperial legitimacy had to be set.

Sarmiento y su visión militar

Resumen: Las grandes naciones se construyen a partir de la visión alentadora de un grupo de hombres, que en la comprensión cabal de la realidad son capaces de encontrar las soluciones necesarias. Para el estadista ningún asunto puede reconocerse sin su relación con el otro y todos adquieren importancia en tanto puedan contribuir al desarrollo nacional y el bienestar ciudadano. En Sarmiento, la educación habría de ser el origen, y su realización, el instrumento inapelable en la construcción de un estado moderno. En este esquema las instituciones aparecen como los pilares sobre los que se apoya la verdadera esencia del espíritu nacional, y el único sostén legítimo del Estado; de allí la preocupación por su consolidación. A la organización de la política, de la justicia y de la administración en general, Sarmiento sumó un interés medular en torno al fortalecimiento del Ejército y la Armada, que tuvo como punto de partida las guerras civiles argentinas, continuidad con la experiencia adquirida en los Estados Unidos y su afirmación tras las consecuencias de la guerra con el Paraguay. Esta investigación aborda los aspectos más profundos de su pensamiento castrense, materializado en obra a partir de un agudo trabajo de organización desarrollado a lo largo de sus servicios militares, y en la presidencia de la Nación con la adquisición de modernos armamentos y la creación de las primeras escuelas para oficiales.

Israel: una sociedad en tensión constante

[ES]Israel es un país marcado por la excepcionalidad. Con esto quiero referirme a que su forma de nacer, el contexto regional donde está ubicado y su propio desarrollo, han hecho de este país un verdadero laboratorio social. El estado hebreo se ha constituido desde el concepto de judeidad y mediante la inmigración judía masiva, lo que ha hecho que en su seno se den numerosas opciones identitarias. Todo ello casi en constantes guerras con sus vecinos árabes y sufriendo el zarpazo del terrorismo. Esto ha hecho que en Israel aspectos como la seguridad, el ejército y los Derechos Humanos hayan sido variables que este país ha tenido y tiene que gestionar. Esta realidad ha determinado de manera decisiva su articulación como sociedad y su propio desarrollo político tanto nacional como internacional. Este artículo pretende dar algunas claves para entender la complejidad de una sociedad, la israelí, en tensión constante.

La Guerra de la Convención, la separación de Guipúzcoa y los comerciantes vasco-franceses y bearneses

[ES] El intento de separación de Guipúzcoa de la Corona española durante la Guerra de la Convención (1793-1795) es un asunto en el que se vio implicado un numeroso grupo de comerciantes vascofranceses y bearneses, residentes en San Sebastián desde hacía tiempo. Los estudiosos han explicado su impli- cación desde parámetros ideológicos y políticos. Sin embargo, existió tam- bién un componente económico y familiar, que tuvo más peso que el resto de factores. Es precisamente este componente el objeto de estudio del presente artículo.

Os pecados do Brasil: luteranos e inquisição séculos XVI e XVII

O tema desta pesquisa abrange a penetração e a repressão inquisitorial portuguesa à chamada heresia luterana. Antes de qualquer comentário, é necessário dizer que o termo luterano, na Época Moderna, era utilizado pelos inquisidores como termo genérico para identificar os estrangeiros protestantes. É um tema inédito e original, no âmbito das pesquisas históricas especializadas em Inquisição, com o foco direcionado para os processos inquisitoriais do Santo Ofício Lisboeta contra réus em terra brasílica. Trata-se de uma investigação a respeito da introdução e da difusão do luteranismo no Brasil colonial entre os séculos XVI e XVII. Processos da Inquisição portuguesa são as fontes primárias de maior relevância nesta tese. Além de que, há documentos administrativos e jurídicos que aprimoram a exploração da temática. O luteranismo no Brasil Colonial apresentou várias facetas: desde um luteranismo das naus, quando os portugueses expandiam-se para o além-mar e eram tomados por luteranos ingleses e franceses ao luteranismo da terra firme com seus conflitos e guerras coloniais, contando, também, com aquele tipo de luteranismo por adesão voluntária. O crime perseguido e processado pelo Tribunal da Inquisição Portuguesa no Brasil foi um luteranismo articulado com as profundas mudanças sociais, políticas e culturais da Europa Moderna e com as singularidades da sociedade colonial.