997 resultados para POLITICAL TRIALS


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Introduction: For over half a century now, the dopamine hypothesis has provided the most widely accepted heuristic model linking pathophysiology and treatment in schizophrenia. Despite dopaminergic drugs being available for six decades, this system continues to represent a key target in schizophrenia drug discovery. The present article reviews the scientific rationale for dopaminergic medications historically and the shift in our thinking since, which is clearly reflected in the investigational drugs detailed. Areas covered: We searched for investigational drugs using the key words `dopamine,' `schizophrenia,' and `Phase II' in American and European clinical trial registers (clinicaltrials. gov; clinicaltrialsregister.eu), published articles using National Library of Medicine's PubMed database, and supplemented results with a manual search of cross-references and conference abstracts. We provide a brief description of drugs targeting dopamine synthesis, release or metabolism, and receptors (agonists/partial agonists/antagonists). Expert opinion: There are prominent shifts in how we presently conceptualize schizophrenia and its treatment. Current efforts are not as much focused on developing better antipsychotics but, instead, on treatments that can improve other symptom domains, in particular cognitive and negative. This new era in the pharmacotherapy of schizophrenia moves us away from the older `magic bullet' approach toward a strategy fostering polypharmacy and a more individualized approach shaped by the individual's specific symptom profile.

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Introduction: Antipsychotic drugs date back to the 1950s and chlorpromazine. Soon after, it was established that blockade of dopamine and, in particular, the D-2 receptor was central to this effect. Dopamine continues to represent a critical line of investigation, although much of the work now focuses on its potential in other symptom domains. Areas covered: A search was carried out for investigational drugs using the key words `dopamine', `schizophrenia' and `Phase III' in an American clinical trial registry (clinicaltrials.gov), published articles using the National Library of Medicine's PubMed database, and supplemented results with a manual search of cross-references and conference abstracts. Drugs were excluded that were already FDA approved. Expert opinion: There remains interest, albeit diminished, in developing better antipsychotic compounds. The greatest enthusiasm currently centres on dopamine's role in negative and cognitive symptom domains. With theories conceptualising hypodopaminergic activity as underlying these deficits, considerable effort is focused on drug strategies that will enhance dopamine activity. Finally, a small body of research is investigating dopaminergic compounds vis-a-vis side-effect treatments. In domains beyond psychosis, however, dopamine arguably is not seen as so central, reflected in considerable research following other lines of investigation.

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Cancer has always been a dreadful disease and continues to attract extensive research investigations. Various targets have been identified to restrain cancer. Among these DNA happens to be the most explored one. A wide variety of small molecules, often referred to as `ligands', has been synthesized to target numerous structural features of DNA. The sole purpose of such molecular design has been to interfere with the transcriptional machinery in order to drive the cancer cell toward apoptosis. The mode of action of the DNA targeting ligands focuses either on the sequence-specificity by groove binding and strand cleavage, or by identifying the morphologically distinct higher order structures like that of the G-quadruplex DNA. However, in spite of the extensive research, only a tiny fraction of the molecules have been able to reach clinical trials and only a handful are used in chemotherapy. This review attempts to record the journey of the DNA binding small molecules from its inception to cancer therapy via various modifications at the molecular level. Nevertheless, factors like limited bioavailability, severe toxicities, unfavorable pharmacokinetics etc. still prove to be the major impediments in the field which warrant considerable scope for further research investigations. (C) 2014 Published by Elsevier Ltd.

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Unmet clinical needs remain the primary driving force for innovations in medical devices. While appropriate mechanisms to protect these innovative outcomes are essential, the performance of clinical trials to ensure safety is also mandated before the invention is ready for public use. Literature explaining the relationship between patenting activities and clinical trials of medical devices is scarce. Linking patent ownership to clinical trials may imply product leadership and value chain control. In this paper, we use patent data from Indian Patent Office (IPO), PCT, and data from Clinical Trials Registry of India (CTRI) to identify whether patent assignees have any role in leading as primary sponsors of clinical trials. A total of 42 primary sponsors are identified from the CTRI database in India. Number of patents awarded to these primary sponsors in the particular medical device, total number of patents awarded to the primary sponsor in all technologies, total number of patents in the specific medical device technology provides an indication of leadership and control in the value chain.

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In this article, we look at the political business cycle problem through the lens of uncertainty. The feedback control used by us is the famous NKPC with stochasticity and wage rigidities. We extend the New Keynesian Phillips Curve model to the continuous time stochastic set up with an Ornstein-Uhlenbeck process. We minimize relevant expected quadratic cost by solving the corresponding Hamilton-Jacobi-Bellman equation. The basic intuition of the classical model is qualitatively carried forward in our set up but uncertainty also plays an important role in determining the optimal trajectory of the voter support function. The internal variability of the system acts as a base shifter for the support function in the risk neutral case. The role of uncertainty is even more prominent in the risk averse case where all the shape parameters are directly dependent on variability. Thus, in this case variability controls both the rates of change as well as the base shift parameters. To gain more insight we have also studied the model when the coefficients are time invariant and studied numerical solutions. The close relationship between the unemployment rate and the support function for the incumbent party is highlighted. The role of uncertainty in creating sampling fluctuation in this set up, possibly towards apparently anomalous results, is also explored.

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Trade and relations between the southern Levant and other regions of the Near East (mainly Egypt) during the Early Bronze Age (ca. 3,600–2,300 BC) have been the subject of many studies. Research concerning the exchange of local commodities was almost ignored or was discussed in parochial studies, focusing on specific archaeological finds. It is the intention of this paper to present the results of recent research of the exchange of commodities provided by archaeological data from excavations in the Southern Levant with regard to economic theories on the exchange-value of goods and exchange networks. Conclusions regarding the type of society and the forms of government in the Southern Levant during the Early Bronze Age are also presented.

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Eterio Pajares, Raquel Merino y José Miguel Santamaría (eds.)

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This paper reviews the production trials of rice-cum-fish culture. Rice and various fish species using rotation and concurrent methods of cultivation are used. The farming system is mostly practiced and researched in to in Southeast Asian countries. It addresses the problems of high external inputs, sustainable aquaculture, poverty and nutrition in the rural population, insect pests, use of insecticides, weeds control and under-utilization of agricultural lands. The production trials yields are summarized and a summary of annual income per hectare from rice and fish have been given. The yield however depends to a large extent on the species stocked, culture period, fertility of the soil and water, degree of supplemental feeding and culturing methods. The production results are discussed. Niger state is blessed with abundant wetlands/rice fields suitable for the practice. However, ecological differences from country to country and region to region, research and development trials are necessary to ensure a successful adoption of the technology to farmers in the State

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Over the past decade, scholarly interest concerning the use of limitations to constrain government spending and taxing has noticeably increased. The call for constitutional restrictions can be credited, in part, to Washington's apparent inability to legislate any significant reductions in government expenditures or in the size of the national debt. At the present time, the federal government is far from instituting any constitutional limitations on spending or borrowing; however, the states have incorporated many controls on revenues and expenditures, the oldest being strictures on full faith and credit borrowing. This dissertations examines the efficacy of these restrictions on borrowing across the states (excluding Alaska) for the period dating from 1961 to 1990 and also studies the limitations on taxing and spending synonymous with the Tax Revolt.

We include socio-economic information in our calculations to control for factors other than the institutional variables that affect state borrowing levels. Our results show that certain constitutional restrictions (in particular, the referendum requirement and the dollar debt limit) are more effective than others. The apparent ineffectiveness of other limitations, such as the flexible debt limit, seem related to the bindingness of the limitations in at least half of the cases. Other variables, such as crime rates, number of schoolage children, and state personal income do affect the levels of full faith and credit debt, but not as strongly as the limitations. While some degree of circumvention can be detected (the amount of full faith and credit debt does inversely affect the levels of nonguaranteed debt), it is so small when compared to the effectiveness of the constitutional restrictions that it is almost negligible. The examination of the tax revolt era limitations yielded quite similar conclusions, with the additional fact that constitutional restrictions appear more binding than statutory ones. Our research demonstrates that constitutional limitations on borrowing can be applied effectively to constrain excessive borrowing, but caution must be used. The efficacy of these restrictions decrease dramatically as the number of loopholes increase.

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This thesis examines four distinct facets and methods for understanding political ideology, and so it includes four distinct chapters with only moderate connections between them. Chapter 2 examines how reactions to emotional stimuli vary with political opinion, and how the stimuli can produce changes in an individuals political preferences. Chapter 3 examines the connection between self-reported fear and item nonresponse on surveys. Chapter 4 examines the connection between political and moral consistency with low-dimensional ideology, and Chapter 5 develops a technique for estimating ideal points and salience in a low-dimensional ideological space.

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For some time now, the Latino voice has been gradually gaining strength in American politics, particularly in such states as California, Florida, Illinois, New York, and Texas, where large numbers of Latino immigrants have settled and large numbers of electoral votes are at stake. Yet the issues public officials in these states espouse and the laws they enact often do not coincide with the interests and preferences of Latinos. The fact that Latinos in California and elsewhere have not been able to influence the political agenda in a way that is commensurate with their numbers may reflect their failure to participate fully in the political process by first registering to vote and then consistently turning out on election day to cast their ballots.

To understand Latino voting behavior, I first examine Latino political participation in California during the ten general elections of the 1980s and 1990s, seeking to understand what percentage of the eligible Latino population registers to vote, with what political party they register, how many registered Latinos to go the polls on election day, and what factors might increase their participation in politics. To ensure that my findings are not unique to California, I also consider Latino voter registration and turnout in Texas for the five general elections of the 1990s and compare these results with my California findings.

I offer a new approach to studying Latino political participation in which I rely on county-level aggregate data, rather than on individual survey data, and employ the ecological inference method of generalized bounds. I calculate and compare Latino and white voting-age populations, registration rates, turnout rates, and party affiliation rates for California's fifty-eight counties. Then, in a secondary grouped logit analysis, I consider the factors that influence these Latino and white registration, turnout, and party affiliation rates.

I find that California Latinos register and turn out at substantially lower rates than do whites and that these rates are more volatile than those of whites. I find that Latino registration is motivated predominantly by age and education, with older and more educated Latinos being more likely to register. Motor voter legislation, which was passed to ease and simplify the registration process, has not encouraged Latino registration . I find that turnout among California's Latino voters is influenced primarily by issues, income, educational attainment, and the size of the Spanish-speaking communities in which they reside. Although language skills may be an obstacle to political participation for an individual, the number of Spanish-speaking households in a community does not encourage or discourage registration but may encourage turnout, suggesting that cultural and linguistic assimilation may not be the entire answer.

With regard to party identification, I find that Democrats can expect a steady Latino political identification rate between 50 and 60 percent, while Republicans attract 20 to 30 percent of Latino registrants. I find that education and income are the dominant factors in determining Latino political party identification, which appears to be no more volatile than that of the larger electorate.

Next, when I consider registration and turnout in Texas, I find that Latino registration rates are nearly equal to those of whites but that Texas Latino turnout rates are volatile and substantially lower than those of whites.

Low turnout rates among Latinos and the volatility of these rates may explain why Latinos in California and Texas have had little influence on the political agenda even though their numbers are large and increasing. Simply put, the voices of Latinos are little heard in the halls of government because they do not turn out consistently to cast their votes on election day.

While these findings suggest that there may not be any short-term or quick fixes to Latino participation, they also suggest that Latinos should be encouraged to participate more fully in the political process and that additional education may be one means of achieving this goal. Candidates should speak more directly to the issues that concern Latinos. Political parties should view Latinos as crossover voters rather than as potential converts. In other words, if Latinos were "a sleeping giant," they may now be a still-drowsy leviathan waiting to be wooed by either party's persuasive political messages and relevant issues.

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This thesis consists of three papers studying the relationship between democratic reform, expenditure on sanitation public goods and mortality in Britain in the second half of the nineteenth century. During this period decisions over spending on critical public goods such as water supply and sewer systems were made by locally elected town councils, leading to extensive variation in the level of spending across the country. This dissertation uses new historical data to examine the political factors determining that variation, and the consequences for mortality rates.

The first substantive chapter describes the spread of government sanitation expenditure, and analyzes the factors that determined towns' willingness to invest. The results show the importance of towns' financial constraints, both in terms of the available tax base and access to borrowing, in limiting the level of expenditure. This suggests that greater involvement by Westminster could have been very effective in expediting sanitary investment. There is little evidence, however, that democratic reform was an important driver of greater expenditure.

Chapter 3 analyzes the effect of extending voting rights to the poor on government public goods spending. A simple model predicts that the rich and the poor will desire lower levels of public goods expenditure than the middle class, and so extensions of the right to vote to the poor will be associated with lower spending. This prediction is tested using plausibly exogenous variation in the extent of the franchise. The results strongly support the theoretical prediction: expenditure increased following relatively small extensions of the franchise, but fell once more than approximately 50% of the adult male population held the right to vote.

Chapter 4 tests whether the sanitary expenditure was effective in combating the high mortality rates following the Industrial Revolution. The results show that increases in urban expenditure on sanitation-water supply, sewer systems and streets-was extremely effective in reducing mortality from cholera and diarrhea.

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In the recent evolution of contemporary social movements three phases can be identified. The first phase is marked by the labour movement and the systemic importance attributed to the labour conflict in industrial societies. This conflict has been interpreted as a consequence of the shortcoming of social integration mechanisms by Emile Durkheim, as a rational conflict by entrepreneurs’ and workers’ interests by Max Wener, and as a central class struggle for the transformation of society by Karl Marx. The second phase in this development was led by the new social movements of the post-industrial society of the 1960s and 1970s’ students, women and environmentalist movements. Two new analytical perspectives have explained these movements’ meaning and actions. Resource mobilization theory (McAdam and Tilly) has focuses on rational attitudes and conflicts. Actionalist sociology, in turn, has identified the new protagonists of social conflicts that replaced the labour movement in postindustrial societies. The third phase emerges in a world characterized by the ascendance of markets, the increasingly prominent role of financial capital flows, the closure of communities, and fundamentalism. In this context, human rights and pro-democratization movements constitute alternatives to global domination and the systemic conditioning of individual and groups.

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This paper investigates whether the effect of political institutions on sectoral economic performance is determined by the level of technological development of industries. Building on previous studies on the linkages among political institutions, technology and economic growth, we employ the dynamic panel Generalized Method of Moments (GMM) estimator for a sample of 4,134 country-industries from 61 industries and 89 countries over the 1990-2010 period. Our main findings suggest that changes of political institutions towards higher levels of democracy, political rights and civil liberties enhance economic growth in technologically developed industries. On the contrary, the same institutional changes might retard economic growth of those industries that are below a technological development threshold. Overall, these results give evidence of a technologically conditioned nature of political institutions to be growth-promoting.