239 resultados para Oppression


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L’objectif du présent mémoire est double. D’une part, il cherche à identifier les facteurs qui permettent au gouvernement canadien et aux peuples autochtones de s’entendre sur des politiques publiques, malgré la persistance d’une logique coloniale. Nous verrons que l’atteinte d’une entente est conditionnelle à la légitimité du processus d’élaboration de la politique publique d’un point de vue autochtone. D’autre part, ce travail invite à penser le processus d’élaboration des politiques publiques comme espace potentiel d’autodétermination. Étant donné la malléabilité des règles qui encadrent l’élaboration des politiques publiques en contexte canadien, le gouvernement – s’il en a la volonté - peut modeler le processus d’élaboration de façon à le rendre plus égalitaire et donc plus légitime d’un point de vue autochtone. Il sera démontré que, dans une optique de changements progressifs, un tel processus d’élaboration peut permettre aux peuples autochtones de regagner une certaine autonomie décisionnelle et ainsi atténuer les rapports de pouvoir inégalitaires. Notre cadre théorique a été construit à l’aide de différents courants analytiques, issus notamment des littératures sur le colonialisme, sur les politiques publiques et sur la légitimité. La comparaison de deux études de cas, soit les processus d’élaboration de l’Accord de Kelowna et du projet de loi C-33, Loi sur le contrôle par les Premières Nations de leur système d’éducation, permettra d’illustrer nos arguments et d’en démontrer l’applicabilité pratique. En somme, nous verrons comment la première étude de cas permet de concevoir l’élaboration des politiques publiques comme espace potentiel d’autodétermination, et comment la deuxième, au contraire, démontre que cette sphère peut encore en être une d’oppression.

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This thesis addresses spiritual violence done to queer people in the sacrament of Communion, or Eucharist, in both Protestant and Roman Catholic churches in the U.S. Rooted in the sexual dimorphic interpretation of Genesis, theologians engendered Christianity with sexism and patriarchy, both of which have since developed into intricate intersections of oppressions. Religious abuse is founded on the tradition of exclusionary practices and is validated through narrow interpretations of Scripture that work to reassert the authority of the experiences of the dominant culture. The resultant culture of oppression manifests itself in ritualized spiritual violence. Queer people are deemed “unworthy” to take ‘the body and blood of the Christ’ and, in fact, are excluded altogether. This “unworthiness” is expressed as spiritual violence against queer people who are shunned and humiliated, internalize hateful messages, and are denied spiritual guidance or life-affirming messages. By “queering” Scripture, or reading the Bible anew through a framework of justice, queer people have begun to sacramentalize their experiences and reclaim their place at the table.

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The social scripts that are deeply involved in cultural production by AfroCuban identified artists in Miami, during the late nineties to the present, participate in a climate that is informed by and feeds from the so-called Latin Explosion of this time period. More specifically, varying historical, socioeconomic, and geopolitical trajectories have placed Africa and African-based religion and cultural production (via music and theatre) at the center of Cuban national identity. The purpose of this study is to facilitate a discussion of the experiences of AfroCuban performance artists and the climate for production, given the aforementioned dynamics, in mass media. These experiences are directed by a study of transnational structures for cultural production (including the more recent memory-shadow of hip-hop culture in Cuba) and discourse that engages theories of modernity, authenticity, and resistance. Through the interventions of artists, producers, and distributors via their art and business, the text identifies and resists the pervasive oppression of stereotype, dehumanization (Othering), and essentialism.

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The status, roles, and interactions of three dominant African ethnic groups and their descendants in Cuba significantly influenced the island’s cubanidad (national identity): the Lucumís (Yoruba), the Congos (Bantú speakers from Central West Africa), and the Carabalís (from the region of Calabar). These three groups, enslaved on the island, coexisted, each group confronting obstacles that threatened their way of life and cultural identities. Through covert resistance, cultural appropriation, and accommodation, all three, but especially the Lucumís, laid deep roots in the nineteenth century that came to fruition in the twentieth. During the early 1900s, Cuba confronted numerous pressures, internal and external. Under the pretense of a quest for national identity and modernity, Afro-Cubans and African cultures and religion came under political, social, and intellectual attack. Race was an undeniable element in these conflicts. While all three groups were oppressed equally, only the Lucumís fought back, contesting accusations of backwardness, human sacrifice, cannibalism, and brujería (witchcraft), exaggerated by the sensationalistic media, often with the police’s and legal system’s complicity. Unlike the covert character of earlier epochs’ responses to oppression, in the twentieth century Lucumí resistance was overt and outspoken, publically refuting the accusations levied against African religions. Although these struggles had unintended consequences for the Lucumís, they gave birth to cubanidad’s African component. With the help of Fernando Ortiz, the Lucumí were situated at the pinnacle of a hierarchical pyramid, stratifying African religious complexes based on civilizational advancement, but at a costly price. Social ascent denigrated Lucumí religion to the status of folklore, depriving it of its status as a bona fide religious complex. To the present, Lucumí religious descendants, in Cuba and, after 1959, in many other areas of the world, are still contesting this contradiction in terms: an elevated downgrade.

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Ce mémoire est consacré à la condition de l’estime de soi telle que défendue par Paul Benson au sein de sa théorie substantielle de l’autonomie. Soulevant l’insuffisance des théories procédurales dans les cas d’oppressions, cette condition défend la nécessité de considérer les relations intersubjectives et le sentiment de mérite à agir au sein de la définition même de l’autonomie. En ce sens, les théories relationnelles permettent également de rendre compte de l’impact du contexte social sur les valeurs intériorisées par un agent, mais aussi sur la manière dont un agent s’évalue en fonction de ses expériences. Afin d’approfondir cette condition de l’estime de soi, j’étudie le rôle des émotions autoréflexives sur la perception d’un agent à l’égard de soi tout en soulevant comment ces dernières peuvent l’informer des valeurs qui lui sont propres, de celles provenant d’un contexte d’oppression. Dans un premier temps, j’explore en quoi consiste la condition de l’estime de soi selon Benson, son lien avec l’identité et comment elle met en lumière l’insuffisance des théories procédurales. Dans un deuxième temps, je la distingue des autres conceptions similaires telles que retrouvées dans les théories relationnelles tout en défendant que l’estime de soi n’est pas un phénomène affectif distinct, mais plutôt un jugement normatif s’élaborant à partir des expériences affectives vécues par un agent. Bien que défendant la thèse de Benson dans une perspective relationnelle, j’approfondis la définition de la condition de l’estime de soi en soulevant comment les émotions morales s’avèrent nécessaires pour qu’un agent soit autonome à l’égard de ses actions, de ses pensées et de ses valeurs.

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L’objectif du présent mémoire est double. D’une part, il cherche à identifier les facteurs qui permettent au gouvernement canadien et aux peuples autochtones de s’entendre sur des politiques publiques, malgré la persistance d’une logique coloniale. Nous verrons que l’atteinte d’une entente est conditionnelle à la légitimité du processus d’élaboration de la politique publique d’un point de vue autochtone. D’autre part, ce travail invite à penser le processus d’élaboration des politiques publiques comme espace potentiel d’autodétermination. Étant donné la malléabilité des règles qui encadrent l’élaboration des politiques publiques en contexte canadien, le gouvernement – s’il en a la volonté - peut modeler le processus d’élaboration de façon à le rendre plus égalitaire et donc plus légitime d’un point de vue autochtone. Il sera démontré que, dans une optique de changements progressifs, un tel processus d’élaboration peut permettre aux peuples autochtones de regagner une certaine autonomie décisionnelle et ainsi atténuer les rapports de pouvoir inégalitaires. Notre cadre théorique a été construit à l’aide de différents courants analytiques, issus notamment des littératures sur le colonialisme, sur les politiques publiques et sur la légitimité. La comparaison de deux études de cas, soit les processus d’élaboration de l’Accord de Kelowna et du projet de loi C-33, Loi sur le contrôle par les Premières Nations de leur système d’éducation, permettra d’illustrer nos arguments et d’en démontrer l’applicabilité pratique. En somme, nous verrons comment la première étude de cas permet de concevoir l’élaboration des politiques publiques comme espace potentiel d’autodétermination, et comment la deuxième, au contraire, démontre que cette sphère peut encore en être une d’oppression.

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It is a widely acknowledged and often unquestioned fact that patriarchy and its modes of behaviour and social organization favour the appearance of trauma on the weakest (and defenceless) members of society: women. In the last decades, trauma seems to have taken the baton of typically female maladies such as 19th c. hysteria or 20th c. madness. Feminists in the 20th c. have long worked to prove the connection between the latter affections (and their reflection in literary texts) and patriarchal oppression or expectations of feminine behaviour and accordance to roles and rules. With Trauma Studies on the rise, the approach to the idea of the untold as related to femininity is manifold: on the one hand, is not trauma, which precludes telling about one’s own experience and keeps it locked not only from the others, but also from ourselves, the ultimate secrecy? On the other hand, when analyzing works that reflect trauma, one is astounded by the high number of them with a female protagonist and an almost all-female cast: in this sense, a ‘feminist’ reading is almost compulsory, in the sense that it is usually the author’s assumption that patriarchal systems of exploitation and expectations favour traumatic events and their outcome (silence and secrets) on the powerless, usually women. Often, traumatic texts combine feminism with other analytical discourses (one of the topics proposed for this panel): Toni Morrison’s study of traumatic responses in The Bluest Eye and Beloved cannot be untangled from her critique of slavery; just as much of Chicana feminism and its representations of rape and abuse (two main agents of trauma) analyze the nexus of patriarchy, new forms of post-colonialism, and the dynamics of power and powerlessness in ethnic contexts. Within this tradition that establishes the secrecies of trauma as an almost exclusively feminine characteristic, one is however faced with texts which have traumatized males as protagonists: curiously enough, most of these characters have suffered trauma through a typically masculine experience: that of war and its aftermath. By analyzing novels dealing with war veterans from Vietnam or the Second World War, the astounding findings are the frequent mixture of masculine or even ‘macho’ values and the denial of any kind of ‘feminine’ characteristics, combined with a very strict set of rules of power and hierarchy that clearly establish who is empowered and who is powerless. It is our argument that this replication of patriarchal modes of domination, which place the lowest ranks of the army in a ‘feminine’ situation, blended with the compulsory ‘macho’ stance soldiers are forced to adopt as army men (as seen, for example, in Philip Caputo’s Indian Country, Larry Heinemann’s Paco’s Story or Ed Dodge’s DAU: A Novel of Vietnam) furthers the onset and seriousness of ulterior trauma. In this sense, we can also analyze this kind of writing from a ‘feminist’ point of view, since the dynamics of über-patriarchal power established at the front at war-time deny any display of elements traditionally viewed as ‘feminine’ (such as grief, guilt or emotions) in soldiers. If trauma is the result of a game of patriarchal empowerment, how can feminist works, not only theoretical, but also fictional, overthrow it? Are ‘feminine’ characteristics necessary to escape trauma, even in male victims? How can feminist readings of trauma enhance our understanding of its dynamics and help produce new modes of interaction that transcend power and gender division as the basis for the organization of society?

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Thesis (Master, Environmental Studies) -- Queen's University, 2016-09-09 11:52:31.446

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ResumenEste artículo explora la sociedad andina analizada desde tres realidades: la geográfica, la socioeconómica,y la política. Sus contextos, y sus características fundamentales son estudiados. Estenos conduce a replantearnos los conceptos de realidad geográfica, libertad, dominación, opresión,realidad económica, realidad política, entre otros.Palabras clave: Pueblo andino, cultura, cultura aymara, cultura quechua, realidad geográfica, libertad,dominación, opresión, realidad económica, realidad política.AbstractThis article deals with the Andean society, analyzed from three realities; the geographical, socio-economicand political. Its contexts and its fundamental characteristics are studied. This leads us to rethink the conceptsof geographical reality, freedom, domination, oppression, economic, political reality, among others.Keywords: Andean People, culture, Aymara culture, Quechua culture, geographical reality, freedom,domination, oppression, economic reality, political reality.

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This text questions what it means to be black women in the context of inequity and the multiple forms of violence suffered in Colombian society. It argues that the analysis on black women situation, gender categories are insufficient. Instead, it declares as necessary an analysis that also articulates categories such as ethnicity / race, class, and sexual orientation, questioning these categories while at the same time giving new significance from the specific experiences of women and black communities are given. The text places in tension a universalistic view of feminism and the traditional left. It also explores the reasons for the poverty of the black population especially in the Colombian Pacific region, the institutional emergence of women´s organizations in the same region an examines the "ethnization" of Pacific communities in the context of regulation of article 55 of the Constitution of 1991. Finally, the article ends by showing how oppression has many faces for the black population, especially for black women.

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Through the analysis of the prose of two nineteenth-century women writers: the English Mary Leman Grimstone and the Cuban-Spanish Gertrudis Gómez de Avellaneda, the present dissertation aims at unveiling the relationship between women’s writings and the struggle for the recognition of women’s rights in two different geopolitical locations. To do so, it weaves a Feminist Planetary Web between each writer and her context, as well as among both writers, finding points of connection and disconnection. It shows how women appropriated the pen in different geographical locations, exposing a particular female voice that denounced not only the oppression suffered by women, but also by other marginalized subjects. For each writer this dissertation exposes several macro-arguments present transversally in their work, like their critiques to the institution of marriage, the importance of proper education for women, the advocacy for religious tolerance, and the narrative construction of different male and female paradigms. The critiques to the institution of marriage is a point of connection between both authors. They also coincided in highlighting the importance of women’s right to access a proper education. Aside from these commonalities, this dissertation also analyses how Grimstone and Gómez de Avellaneda negotiated their position in the literary public realm, showing how it was precisely in this point that readers and critics can find noteworthy differences between them.

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This dissertation explores the entanglement between the visionary capacity of feminist theory to shape sustainable futures and the active contribution of feminist speculative fiction to the conceptual debate about the climate crisis. Over the last few years, increasing critical attention has been paid to ecofeminist perspectives on climate change, that see as a core cause of the climate crisis the patriarchal domination of nature, considered to go hand in hand with the oppression of women. What remains to be thoroughly scrutinised is the linkage between ecofeminist theories and other ethical stances capable of countering colonising epistemologies of mastery and dominion over nature. This dissertation intervenes in the debate about the master narrative of the Anthropocene, and about the one-dimensional perspective that often characterises its literary representations, from a feminist perspective that also aims at decolonising the imagination; it looks at literary texts that consider patriarchal domination of nature in its intersections with other injustices that play out within the Anthropocene, with a particular focus on race, colonialism, and capitalism. After an overview of the linkages between gender and climate change and between feminism and environmental humanities, it introduces the genre of climate fiction examining its main tropes. In an attempt to find alternatives to the mainstream narrative of the Anthropocene (namely to its gender-neutrality, colour-blindness, and anthropocentrism), it focuses on contemporary works of speculative fiction by four Anglophone women authors that particularly address the inequitable impacts of climate change experienced not only by women, but also by sexualised, racialised, and naturalised Others. These texts were chosen because of their specific engagement with the relationship between climate change, global capitalism, and a flat trust in techno-fixes on the one hand, and structural inequalities generated by patriarchy, racism, and intersecting systems of oppression on the other.

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A partire da un paradigma ecologico ad indirizzo critico, seguendo il filone degli studi femministi, le finalità della ricerca sono state: smascherare le forme di oppressione di genere nei contesti educativi (finalità trasformativa) e produrre un sapere utile alla pratica (finalità emancipativa). Data la complessità del contesto educativo scolastico e dell’argomento stesso che interseca vari domini di sapere, è stato adottato un approccio metodologico di metodo misto (mixed method) per poter dapprima costruire una configurazione del fenomeno oggetto d’interesse attraverso strumenti quantitativi e poi approfondirlo attraverso l’impiego di tecniche qualitative. Gli strumenti utilizzati sono stati: il questionario, l’intervista strutturata, le osservazioni, le biografie professionali, i focus-group. In sintesi, le evidenze emerse in letteratura ed empiriche mettono in luce la presenza di stereotipi di genere nelle lezioni di EF, sotto forma di pratiche inconsapevoli che gli insegnanti riproducono a seguito di un habitus socializzato in forma binaria secondo i due sessi e gerarchizzato. La dipendenza dell’EF dal mondo sportivo, dove gli stereotipi di genere sono presenti per ragioni storico-culturali e dal quale gli insegnanti attingono spesso parte del loro sapere professionale, li rende partecipi inconsapevoli del sistema di rinforzo degli stereotipi stessi, attraverso le pratiche che vanno sotto il nome di curricolo nascosto. Il termine nascosto sottolinea l’inconsapevolezza di tali pratiche, appunto nascoste alla coscienza e si deduce che la possibilità di svelarle necessita di una formazione specifica per gli insegnanti, una formazione che attinga ai processi riflessivi.

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Questo lavoro ricostruisce l'uso strategico di Gandhi come “significante” nel pensiero politico dell'Atlantico Nero, nella lotta contro la supremazia bianca e nei processi di decolonizzazione. Le pratiche discorsive che hanno stretto alleanze metaforiche con il movimento gandhiano sono evidenziate come un mezzo con cui il discorso politico nero attraversa la linea di separazione tra metropoli e colonie, e sovverte la costruzione spaziale della modernità. L’analisi spazia dall'indomani della Prima guerra mondiale alla seconda metà degli anni Cinquanta. Questa parte di Secolo breve fu caratterizzata dalle due guerre mondiali, dalla Lega contro l'imperialismo e dai congressi panafricani - importanti punti di svolta che consolidarono la consapevolezza di un'esperienza comune di oppressione e sfruttamento razziale. La ricerca si concentra sui circuiti e movimenti editoriali e associativi, come i congressi panafricani (1919-1945), il movimento “New Negro”, l’UNIA di Marcus Garvey, il sindacalismo nero e i movimenti di liberazione africani - in particolare la Positive Action in Ghana, il movimento zikista in Nigeria e la Defiance Campaign in Sud Africa. Nel complesso quadro di gerarchie e idiosincrasie dell'Atlantico Nero, gli scarti semantici dell'uso di Gandhi come tropo politico sono connessi con diverse prospettive e visioni di solidarietà.