966 resultados para New institutional
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We enlarge the notion of institutional fit using theoretical approaches from New Institutionalism, including rational choice and strategic action, political ecology and constructivist approaches. These approaches are combined with ecological approaches (system and evolutionary ecology) focusing on feedback loops and change. We offer results drawn from a comparison of fit and misfit cases of institutional change in pastoral commons in four African floodplain contexts (Zambia, Cameroon, Tanzania (two cases). Cases of precolonial fit and misfit in the postcolonial past, as well as a case of institutional fit in the postcolonial phase, highlight important features, specifically, flexible institutions, leadership, and mutual economic benefit under specific relations of bargaining power of actors. We argue that only by combining otherwise conflicting approaches can we come to understand why institutional fit develops into misfit and back again. Key Words: African floodplains; governance; institutional change; institutional fit; New Institutionalism; pastoral commons
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Transition and Justice examines a series of cases from across the African continent where peaceful ‘new beginnings’ were declared after periods of violence and where transitional justice institutions helped define justice and the new socio-political order. Offers a new perspective on transition and justice in Africa transcending the institutional limits of transitional justice Covers a wide range of situations, and presents a broad range of sites where past injustices are addressed Examines cases where peaceful ‘new beginnings’ have been declared after periods of violence Addresses fundamental questions about transitions and justice in societies characterized by a high degree of external involvement and internal fragmentation
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The chapter introduces a new database on political-institutional patterns of democracy used in the contributions to the book. It provides an update and extension of Lijphart’s (1999, 2012) measurement of consensus and majoritarian democracy for the countries of the second wave of the CSES during the period 1997–2006, using 11 partly improved indicators. The chapter explores patterns of democracy by the means of factor analysis, construct additive indices, and present the resulting country scores of consensus and majoritarian democracy graphically. Two variants are presented, one featuring Lijphart’s (1999) classic ‘executives–parties’ and ‘federal–unitary’ dimensions, and another incorporating direct democracy into the framework, yielding an additional ‘cabinets–direct democracy’ dimension
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Different socio-economic and environmental drivers lead local communities in mountain regions to adapt land use practices and engage in protection policies. The political system also has to develop new approaches to adapt to those drivers. Local actors are the target group of those policy approaches, and the question arises of if and how much those actors are consulted or even integrated into the design of local land use and protection policies. This article addresses this question by comparing seven different case studies in Swiss mountain regions. Through a formal social network analysis, the inclusion of local actors in collaborative policy networks is investigated and compared to the involvement of other stakeholders representing the next higher sub-national or national decisional levels. Results show that there is a significant difference (1) in how local actors are embedded compared to other stakeholders; and (2) between top-down versus bottom-up designed policy processes.
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This paper deals with the difference between risk and insecurity from an anthropological perspective using a critical New Institutionalist approach. Risk refers to the ability to reduce undesirable outcomes, based on a range of information actors have on possible outcomes; insecurity refers to the lack of this information. With regard to the neo-liberal setting of a resource rich area in Zambia, Central Africa, local actors – men and women – face risk and insecurity in market constellations between rural and urban areas. They attempt to cope with risk using technical means and diversification of livelihood strategies. But as common-pool resources have been transformed from common property institutions to open access, also leading to unpredictability of competitors and partners in “free” markets, actors rely on magic options to reduce insecurity and transform it into risk-assessing strategies as an adaptation to modern times. Keywords: Risk, insecurity, institutional change, neo-liberal market, common pool resources, livelihood strategies, magic, Zambia.
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Mainstreaming the LforS approach is a challenge due to dive rging institutional priorities, customs, and expectations of classically traine d staff. A workshop to test LforS theory and practice, and explore how to mainstream it, took place in a concrete context in a rural district of Mozambique, focusing on agricultural, forest and water resources. The evaluation showed that the principles of interaction applied pe rmitted to link rational know ledge with practical experience through mutual learning and iterative self-reflection. The combination of learning techniques was considered usef ul; participants called for further opportunities to apply the LforS methodology, proposing next steps.
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This paper examines Thai-Japanese relations through analysis of EPA. There are two questions. The first involves the features of JTEPA as an EPA. By scrutinizing the features of the EPA, we would like to approach the institutional framework of the “new era” which will be brought about by JTEPA. The second question is how did the governments of Thailand and Japan come to conclude JTEPA? By reviewing the focal points of the negotiations, we will describe the background of the formation and aims of JTEPA. Finally, we conclude that JTEPA is a culmination of the existing Thai-Japanese relations, and was built based upon the existing divergence of economic institutions. At the same time it upgrades the bilateral partnership to a framework for multilateral cooperation by considering assistance toward Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar and Vietnam. The author would like to emphasize that JTEPA was designed based on the idea of a further integration of CLMV and Thailand, an original member of ASEAN.
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The difficulty of holding fair elections continues to be a critical problem in many newly democratized countries. The core of the problem is the electoral administration's lack of political autonomy and capability to regulate fraud. This paper seeks to identify the conditions for establishing an autonomous and capable electoral administration system. An electoral administration system has two main functions: to disclose the nature of elections and to prevent fraud. We argue in this paper that an autonomous and capable electoral administration system exists if the major political players have the incentive to disclose the information on the elections and to secure the ruler's credible commitment to fair elections. We examine this argument through comparative case studies of Korea and the Philippines. Despite similar historical and institutional settings, their election commissions exhibit contrasting features. The difference in the incentive structures of the major political players seems to have caused the divergence in the institutional evolution of the election commissions in the two countries.
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Despite more than two decades of transition from a centrally planned to a market-oriented economy, Myanmar’s economic transition is still only partly complete. The government’s initial strategy for dealing with the swelling deficits of the state economic enterprises (SEEs) was to put them under direct control in order to scrutinize their expenditures. This policy change postponed restructuring and exacerbated the soft budget constraint problem of the SEEs. While the installation of a new government in March 2011 has increased prospects for economic development, sustainable growth still requires full-scale structural reform of the SEEs and institutional infrastructure building. Myanmar can learn from the gradual approaches to economic transition in China and Vietnam, where partial reforms weakened further impetus for reforms.
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La Unión Europea acaba de lanzar una iniciativa para fomentar Participaciones Público Privadas (PPPs) mediante bonos de proyecto más atractivos a inversores institucionales para promover proyectos transeuropeos. Esto se logra a través de mecanismos de mejora crediticia como garantías de liquidez o tramos de deuda subordinada facilitados por el Banco Europeo de Inversiones. Esta iniciativa pretende evitar los problemas de liquidez experimentados actualmente por bancos comerciales en Europa para financiar megaproyectos. En este artículo exploramos las ventajas e inconvenientes de esta iniciativa para promover redes de infraestructuras transnacionales en Europa, y analizamos su aplicabilidad a otras áreas como Latino-América. The European Union recently launched an initiative to foster Public Private Partnerships (PPPs) for delivering Trans-European projects by making long-term project-bonds more appealing to institutional investors. This is achieved through credit-enhancement mechanisms such as partial stand-by liquidity guarantees, or layers of subordinated debt provided by the European Investment Bank. This initiative intends to circumvent the liquidity problems currently endured by commercial banks in Europe to fund megaprojects. In this paper we explore the advantages and drawbacks of this initiative for promoting transnational infrastructure networks in Europe, and analyse its applicability to other economic areas such as Latin America.
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La sostenibilidad de los sistemas olivareros situados en zonas de pendiente y montaña (SMOPS) en Andalucía se encuentra actualmente amenazada por las elevadas tasas de abandono que afectan a estos sistemas productivos. Así, la consumación de este proceso de abandono, no sólo pondría en peligro a las propias explotaciones, sino a todo el conjunto de bienes y servicios no productivos y al patrimonio cultural generado por este sistema productivo. En este contexto, la búsqueda de alternativas políticas enfocadas a revertir este proceso se erige como una necesidad categórica en aras de garantizar en el largo plazo la sostenibilidad de los olivares de montaña. Esta tesis pretende hacer frente a esta necesidad a través de la construcción de un marco político alternativo para los SMOPS, que permita la integración simultánea de todas las dimensiones que pueden influir en su desarrollo; esto es: el marco político actual, principalmente determinado por la Política Agraria Común (PAC) de la Unión Europea (UE); las preferencias de la sociedad hacia la oferta de bienes y servicios públicos generados por los SMOPS; y las preferencias y voluntad de innovación hacia nuevos manejos y sistemas de gestión de los agricultores y propietarios de las explotaciones. Para ello, se emplea una metodología de investigación mixta, que abarca la realización de cuatro encuestas (personales y online) llevadas a cabo a los agentes o grupos de interés involucrados directa o indirectamente en la gestión de los SMOPS –ciudadanos, agricultores y propietarios y expertos-; una profunda revisión de las herramientas de política agroambiental actuales y posibles alternativas a las mismas; y el desarrollo de nuevas estrategias metodológicas para dotar de mayor precisión y fiabilidad las estimaciones obtenidas a partir del Método del Experimento de Elección (MEE) en el campo de la valoración medioambiental. En general, los resultados muestran que una estrategia de política agroambiental basada en la combinación de los Contratos Territoriales de Zona Rural (CTZR) y el manejo ecológico supondría una mejora en la sostenibilidad de los sistemas olivareros de montaña andaluces, que, al mismo tiempo, propiciaría una mejor consideración de las necesidades y demandas de los agentes implicados en su gestión. Asimismo, los hallazgos obtenidos en esta investigación demandan un cambio de paradigma en los actuales pagos agroambientales, que han de pasar de una estrategia basada en la implementación de acciones, a otra enfocada al logro de objetivos, la cual, en el caso del olivar, se podría centrar en el aumento del secuestro de carbono en el suelo. Desde un punto de vista metodológico, los resultados han contribuido notablemente a mejorar la fiabilidad y precisión de las conclusiones estimadas a partir del MEE, mediante el diseño de un novedoso proceso iterativo para detectar posibles comportamientos inconsistentes por parte de los entrevistados con respecto a su máxima Disposición al Pago (DAP) para lograr la situación considerada como “óptima” en los olivares ecológicos de montaña andaluces. En líneas generales, el actual marco institucional favorece la puesta en práctica de la mayoría de las estrategias propuestas en esta tesis; sin embargo son necesarios mayores esfuerzos para reconducir los actuales Pagos Agroambientales y Climáticos de la PAC, hacia una estrategia de política agroambiental adaptada a las necesidades y requisitos del territorio en el que se aplica, enfocada al logro de objetivos y que sea capaz de integrar y coordinar al conjunto de agentes y grupos de interés involucrados -directa o indirectamente- en la gestión de los olivares de montaña. En este contexto, se espera que la puesta en práctica de nuevas estructuras y acuerdos de gobernanza territorial juegue un importante papel en el desarrollo de una política agroambiental realmente adaptada a las necesidades de los sistemas olivareros de montaña andaluces. ABSTRACT The long-term sustainability of Andalusian sloping and mountainous olive production systems (SMOPS) is currently threatened by the high abandonment rates that affect these production systems. The effective occurrence of this abandonment process is indeed menacing not only farms themselves, but also the wide array of public goods and services provided by SMOPS and the cultural heritage held by this production system. The search of policy alternatives aimed at tackling this process is thus a central necessity. This thesis aims to undertake this necessity by building an alternative policy framework for SMOPS that simultaneously integrates the several dimensions that are susceptible to influence it, namely: the current policy framework, mainly determined by the European Union’s (EU) Common Agricultural Policy (CAP); the social preferences toward the supply of SMOPS’ public goods and services; and farmers’ preferences and willingness to innovate toward new management practices in their farms. For this purpose, we put into practice a mixed-method strategy that combines four face-to-face and online surveys carried out with SMOPS’ stakeholders -including citizens, farmers and experts-; in-depth analysis of current and alternative agrienvironmental policy (AEP) instruments; and the development of novel methodological approaches to advance toward more reliable Discrete Choice Experiment’s (DCE) outcomes in the field of environmental valuation. Overall, results show that a policy strategy based on the combination of Territorial Management Contracts (TMC) and organic management would further enhance Andalusian SMOPS’ sustainability by simultaneously taking into account stakeholders’ demands and needs. Findings also call for paradigm shift of the current action-oriented design of Agri-Environmental-Climate Schemes (AECS), toward a result-based approach, that in the case of olive orchards should particularly be focused on enhancing soil carbon sequestration. From a methodological perspective, results have contributed to improve the accuracy and feasibility of DCE outcomes by designing a novel and iterative procedure focused in ascertaining respondents’ inconsistent behaviour with respect to their stated maximum WTP for the attainment of an ideal situation to be achieved in organic Andalusian SMOPS. Generally, the present institutional framework favours the implementation of the main policy strategies proposed in this thesis, albeit further efforts are required to better conduct current CAP’s agri-environmental instruments toward a territorially targeted result-oriented strategy capable to integrate and coordinate the whole set of stakeholders involved in the management of SMOPS. In this regard, alternative governance structures and arrangements are expected to play a major role on the process of tackling SMOPS’ agri-environmental policy challenge.
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The extent to which new technological knowledge flows across institutional and national boundaries is a question of great importance for public policy and the modeling of economic growth. In this paper we develop a model of the process generating subsequent citations to patents as a lens for viewing knowledge diffusion. We find that the probability of patent citation over time after a patent is granted fits well to a double-exponential function that can be interpreted as the mixture of diffusion and obsolescense functions. The results indicate that diffusion is geographically localized. Controlling for other factors, within-country citations are more numerous and come more quickly than those that cross country boundaries.
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The most productive (“star”) bioscientists had intellectual human capital of extraordinary scientific and pecuniary value for some 10–15 years after Cohen and Boyer’s 1973 founding discovery for biotechnology [Cohen, S., Chang, A., Boyer, H. & Helling, R. (1973) Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. USA 70, 3240–3244]. This extraordinary value was due to the union of still scarce knowledge of the new research techniques and genius and vision to apply them in novel, valuable ways. As in other sciences, star bioscientists were very protective of their techniques, ideas, and discoveries in the early years of the revolution, tending to collaborate more within their own institution, which slowed diffusion to other scientists. Close, bench-level working ties between stars and firm scientists were needed to accomplish commercialization of the breakthroughs. Where and when star scientists were actively producing publications is a key predictor of where and when commercial firms began to use biotechnology. The extent of collaboration by a firm’s scientists with stars is a powerful predictor of its success: for an average firm, 5 articles coauthored by an academic star and the firm’s scientists result in about 5 more products in development, 3.5 more products on the market, and 860 more employees. Articles by stars collaborating with or employed by firms have significantly higher rates of citation than other articles by the same or other stars. The U.S. scientific and economic infrastructure has been particularly effective in fostering and commercializing the bioscientific revolution. These results let us see the process by which scientific breakthroughs become economic growth and consider implications for policy.
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[Introduction.] Over the last two years, not only inside but also outside the framework of the EU treaties, far reaching measures have been taken at the highest political level in order to address the financial and economic crisis in Europe and in particular the sovereign debt crisis in the Euro area. This has triggered debates forecasting the “renationalisation of European politics.” Herman Van Rompuy, the President of the European Council, countered the prediction that Europe is doomed because of such a renationalisation: “If national politics have a prominent place in our Union, why would this not strengthen it?” He took the view that not a renationalisation of European politics was at stake, but an Europeanization of national politics emphasising that post war Europe was never developed in contradiction with nation states.1 Indeed, the European project is based on a mobilisation of bundled, national forces which are of vital importance to a democratically structured and robust Union that is capable of acting in a globalised world. To that end, the Treaty of Lisbon created a legal basis. The new legal framework redefines the balance between the Union institutions and confirms the central role of the Community method in the EU legislative and judiciary process. This contribution critically discusses the development of the EU's institutional balance after the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon, with a particular emphasis on the use of the Community Method and the current interplay between national constitutional courts and the Court of Justice. This interplay has to date been characterised by suspicion and mistrust, rather than by a genuine dialogue between the pertinent judicial actors.