Polyfluoroalkyl chemicals in pooled blood serum from infants, children and adults in Australia

Polyfluoroalkyl chemicals (PFCs) have been used worldwide for more than 50 years in a wide variety of industrial and consumer products. Limited data exist on human exposure to PFCs in the Southern Hemisphere. Human blood serum collected in southeast Queensland, Australia, in 2006−2007 from 2420 donors was pooled according to age (cord blood, 0−0.5, 0.6−1, 1.1−1.5, 1.6−2, 2.1−2.5, 2.6−3, 3.1−3.5, 3.6−4, 4.1−6, 6.1−9, 9.1−12, 12.1−15, 16−30, 31−45, 46−60, and >60 years) and gender and was analyzed for eight PFCs. Across all pools, perfluorooctane sulfonate (PFOS) was detected at the highest mean concentration (15.2 ng/mL) followed by perfluorooctanoate (PFOA, 6.4 ng/mL), perfluorohexane sulfonate (PFHxS, 3.1 ng/mL), perfluorononanoate (PFNA, 0.8 ng/mL), 2-(N-methyl-perfluorooctance sulfonamide) acetate (Me-PFOSA-AcOH, 0.66 ng/mL), and perfluorodecanoate (PFDeA, 0.29 ng/mL). Perfluorooctane sulfonamide was detected in only 24% of the pools, and 2-(N-ethylperfluorooctane sulfonamide) acetate was detected in only one. PFOS concentrations were significantly higher in pools from adult males than from adult females (p = 0.002); no gender differences were apparent in the pools from children (<12 years old). The highest mean concentrations of PFOA, PFHxS, PFNA, PFDeA, and Me-PFOSA-AcOH were found in children <15 years, while PFOS was highest in adults >60 years. Investigation into the sources and exposure pathways in Australia, in particular for children, is necessary as well as continued biomonitoring to determine the potential effects on human concentrations as a result of changes in the PFC manufacturing practices, including the cessation of production of several PFCs.

Employment Relations in Australia, 2nd Edition

The relationship between employers and employees has been one of the most hotly debated issues in Australia in recent times. Recent legislation such as the Workplace Relations Amendment (Work Choices) Act 2005 and the subsequent Fair Work Act 2009 provides stark evidence of this. The impact of these significant developments is explored and analysed in detail in the new edition of this popular text, complete with a balanced coverage of the often contrasting viewpoints of all stakeholders - from governments, unions and employer associations, through to individual employers and employees. The text outlines different approaches to understanding the nature of the employment relationship, with a contextual background as to how this relationship has changed and developed throughout our nation's history.

Open Access and Public Sector Information : Policy Developments in Australia and Key Jurisdictions

This book chapter considers recent developments in Australia and key jurisdictions both in relation to the formation of a national information strategy and the management of legal rights in public sector information.

Prison foodservice in Australia : systems, menus and inmate attitudes

This paper presents results from three studies in 25 custodial facilities in three Australian states, including nutrient analyses of menus and focus groups exploring inmate attitudes. Both cook-fresh and cook-chill production systems are used. Non-selective cycle menus of 4-6 weeks are common but inmates can supplement meals by purchase of additional food items (‘buy-ups’). Menus included adequate variety and met most nutritional standards, with the possible exception of fruit. The sodium content of menus is above recommended levels. Protein, fibre, vitamins A, C, thiamin, riboflavin, calcium, iron and zinc were more than adequate, and the percentage energy from fat is close to or meets national recommendations. Focus groups identified 16 themes, including meal quality, food available at ‘buy-ups’, cooking facilities, and concerns about possible food safety risks associated with inmates storing food in cells. Many complaints were about factors not under the control of the foodservice manager.

Advance Australia Fair : social democratic and conservative politicians’ discourses concerning Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples and their health 1972–2001

This paper reports research undertaken as part of a larger project in which we examined whether and how values and beliefs communicated by Australian politicians have shaped decades of health policy and influenced health outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples of Australia. To first characterise those values and beliefs we analysed the public statements of the politicians responsible nationally for the health of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples 1972–2001, using critical discourse analysis. We found that four discourses, communicated through words, phrases, sentences and grammatical structures, dominated public statements over the study period. These four discourses focused on the competence and capacity of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples to “manage”; matters of control of and responsibility for the health of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples; Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples as “Other”; and the nature of the “problem” concerning the health of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples. Analysis of the discursive elements contributing to shaping these four discourses is reported in this paper.

Consumer guarantees in Australia : putting an end to the blame game

The focus of this article is on the proposed consumer guarantees component of the Australian Consumer Law. The Productivity Commission (PC), in its review of Australia’s Consumer Policy Framework, noted that it had not ‘undertaken the detailed analysis necessary to reach a judgment on the adequacy or otherwise of the existing regulation in this area, or the merits of alternative models such as those adopted in countries such as New Zealand’. Accordingly, it recommended that: ‘The adequacy of existing legislation related to implied warranties and conditions should be examined as part of the development of the new national generic consumer law’.

Voter behaviour and constitutional change in Australia since 1967

Australian Constitutional referendums have been part of the Australian political system since federation. Up to the year 1999 (the time of the last referendum in Australia), constitutional change in Australia does not have a good history of acceptance. Since 1901, there have been 44 proposed constitutional changes with eight gaining the required acceptance according to section 128 of the Australian Constitution. In the modern era since 1967, there have been 20 proposals over seven referendum votes for a total of four changes. Over this same period, there have been 13 federal general elections which have realised change in government just five times. This research examines the electoral behaviour of Australian voters from 1967 to 1999 for each referendum. Party identification has long been a key indicator in general election voting. This research considers whether the dominant theory of voter behaviour in general elections (the Michigan Model) provides a plausible explanation for voting in Australian referendums. In order to explain electoral behaviour in each referendum, this research has utilised available data from the Australian Electoral Commission, the 1996 Australian Bureau of Statistics Census data, and the 1999 Australian Constitutional Referendum Study. This data has provided the necessary variables required to measure the impact of the Michigan Model of voter behaviour. Measurements have been conducted using bivariate and multivariate analyses. Each referendum provides an overview of the events at the time of the referendum as well as the =yes‘ and =no‘ cases at the time each referendum was initiated. Results from this research provide support for the Michigan Model of voter behaviour in Australian referendum voting. This research concludes that party identification, as a key variable of the Michigan Model, shows that voters continue to take their cues for voting from the political party they identify with in Australian referendums. However, the outcome of Australian referendums clearly shows that partisanship is only one of a number of contributory factors in constitutional referendums.