998 resultados para Lebanon--History--1516-1918
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Imprint varies: Jan. 1900-Sept. 1906, Lebanon, Pa., P.C. Croll.--Oct. 1906-Mar. 1909, East Greenville, Pa., H.W. Kriebel.--Apr. 1909-Dec. 1911, Lititz, Pa., H.W. Kriebel.--Jan. 1912- Cleona, Pa., H.W. Kriebel.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Includes bibliographical references and index.
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Subtitle, v. 16-18: The world's greatest war ... Editor-in-chief, Holland Thompson ... and other contributors.
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Translation with revisions of: Gundriss der Geschichte der Medicin.
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Includes index.
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Includes index.
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Introduction.--Methods of writing history.--The moulding of the Scottish nation.--The Scottish nobility and their part in the national history.--The régime of the later Stewarts in Scotland.--The union of the parliaments of England and Scotland, 1707.--Four representative documents of Scottish history.--Scotland in the eighteenth century.--Intellectual influences of Scotland on the continent.--A forgotten scholar of the sixteenth century [Florence Volusene]--Literature and history.--John Napier of Merchiston.
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This article analyses the relationship between Orthodoxy and state from the unification of the Principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia in 1859 to the creation of Greater Romania in 1918. Examining the attitudes of political leaders towards the dominant religion, this article argues that during the reigns of Prince Cuza and King Carol I the Church became a state institution closely connected to the development of political regimes. It is suggested that by claiming doctrinal religious connections with Constantinople and independence from foreign intervention in the Church’s affairs, religious and political leaders from 1859 to 1918 amplified the construction of Romanian national mythology which contributed towards the political unity of the state.
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Für deutsche Migranten des 19. Jahrhunderts war Großbritannien eines der wichtigsten Zielländer innerhalb Europas. Zum ersten Mal wird eine der zahlreichen deutsch-ethnischen Kolonien einer mikrohistorischen Untersuchung unterzogen. Die Perspektive erlaubt quellengestützt genauere Aussagen zu Themenkomplexen wie Wanderungsverhalten, Berufsstruktur oder ethnischer Selbstorganisation. In Glasgow bildete sich ein dichtes Netz an ethnischen Vereinigungen, das sich nach Kriegsausbruch unter dem germanophoben Druck der britischen Öffentlichkeit sowie staatlichen Maßnahmen wie Internierung, Repatriierung oder Enteignung fast vollständig auflöste. Die Glasgower Fallstudie wird durch zahlreiche Querverweise auf andere Regionen und Länder in einen größeren migrationsgeschichtlichen Rahmen eingeordnet. German migrants of the 19th century. Century Britain was one of the main destination countries within Europe. One of the many German ethnic colonies of a micro historical investigation is subjected for the first time. The perspective allows more detailed statements on topics such as migratory behavior, occupational structure or ethnic self-organization source based. A dense network of ethnic associations that almost completely disbanded after war germanophoben pressure from the British public and Government measures such as detention, repatriation or expropriation was formed in Glasgow. The Glasgow case study are classified by numerous cross-references to other regions and countries within a larger migration history.
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The Wilhelmine battle fleet was a powerful symbol of national strength and unity not only within the Reich but also in German ethnic communities abroad. A global network of 179 navy clubs with 9,500 members (1913) was coordinated by the Berlin-based Central League for German Navy Clubs Abroad (Hauptverband Deutscher Flottenvereine im Auslande). Its aims were the collection of migrants’ money for concrete navy projects and the promotion of allegiance to the Reich and of ethnic cohesion abroad. The article analyses German navy campaigning within a transnational framework and supports the view that migrants were discursively drawn into Imperial Germany’s global aspirations as outposts of ‘Germanness’ abroad. Existing scholarship, however, tends to look at them as passive objects of a discourse conducted within Germany, as a canvas onto which (semi-)colonial fantasies could be projected. This article argues, rather, that ‘Germans abroad’ could also be active participants within a transnationally conducted and multi-directional discourse. They did not necessarily defy nationalist assumptions but could, in fact, be deeply embedded in the construction of these assumptions.
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This study examines what many scholars have neglected to investigate when addressing post Civil War issues in Lebanon. Most studies have addressed political issues surrounding activities of Shiite movements, such as Harakat Amal or Hizb Allah, while socioeconomic issues have been neglected.^ Imam Musa Sadr challenged the power of traditional Shiite leaders by creating official Shiites institutions and movements like Amal. The Iranian Revolution and the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982 sparked the creation of Hizb Allah which, not only struggled against its foes, but also provided social services to the Shiites. This development program has been central in creating political legitimacy for Hizb Allah, regardless of its military situation, which suggests that socioeconomic development can transform a militia into a legitimate actor on the Lebanese political scene. The survivability of Shiite parties is therefore tantamount to not only their military might, but also to their social involvement. ^