O direito ao esquecimento na era digital: desafios da regulação da desvinculação de urls prejudiciais a pessoas naturais nos índices de pesquisa dos buscadores horizontais

No julgamento do recurso especial referente à ação ajuizada pela apresentadora Xuxa Meneghel para compelir o Google Search a desvincular dos seus índices de busca os resultados relativos à pesquisa sobre a expressão “Xuxa pedófila” ou qualquer outra que associasse o nome da autora a esta prática criminosa, a relatora da decisão, a Ministra Nancy Andrighi, definiu de maneira clara a controvérsia de que cuida este trabalho: o cotidiano de milhares de pessoas depende atualmente de informações que estão na web, e que dificilmente seriam encontradas sem a utilização das ferramentas de pesquisas oferecidas pelos sites de busca. Por outro lado, esses mesmos buscadores horizontais podem ser usados para a localização de páginas com informações, URLs prejudiciais resultantes da busca com o nome das pessoas. Diante disso, o que fazer? Existiria realmente um direito de ser esquecido, isto é, de ter uma URL resultante de uma pesquisa sobre o nome de uma pessoa desvinculado do índice de pesquisa do buscador horizontal? Há quem afirme que a medida mais apropriada para lidar com esse problema seria ir atrás do terceiro que publicou essa informação originariamente na web. Há também quem defenda que a proteção de um direito de ser esquecido representaria uma ameaça grande demais para a liberdade de expressão e de informação. Diante deste quadro, esta dissertação visa a estabelecer quais podem ser as características e os limites do direito ao esquecimento na era digital, de acordo com o estado atual da legislação brasileira a respeito, confrontando-se tal direito com outros direitos e interesses públicos e privados (especialmente o direito à liberdade de expressão e à informação) e levando em conta as características de funcionamento da própria rede mundial de computadores, em especial das ferramentas de buscas. Tendo em vista a importância dos buscadores horizontais no exercício do acesso à informação e, além disso, as dificuldades relacionadas à retirada de URLs de todos os sítios em que tenham sido publicadas, nossa pesquisa focará no potencial – e nas dificuldades – de se empregar a regulação de tais ferramentas de busca para a proteção eficaz do direito ao esquecimento na era digital.

A investigação criminal e a vedação ao anonimato no sistema jurídico brasileiro

The thesis, prepared with basis on deductive reasoning (through the utilization of general concepts of the fundamental rights theory) and on inductive logic (by means of the consideration of particular situations in which the theme has been approached) deals with the criminal investigation and the prohibition of anonymity in the Brazilian law system. The state criminal investigation activity presents not only a substantial constitutional basis, due to the objective dimension of fundamental rights (which imposes an obligation to protect these essential values), but also a formal constitutional basis, arising from the administrative principles of rule of law, morality and efficiency, referred to in article 37 of the Constitution. The criminal investigation, however, is not an unlimited pursuit, being restrained by the duty to consider fundamental rights that oppose to its realization. One of the limits of the state investigation activity, in the Brazilian law system, is the prohibition of anonymity, referred to in article 5°, IV, of the Constitution. This prohibition is a direct constitutional restriction to the freedom of expression that aims to ensure the credibility of the diffusion of ideas and prevent the abusive exercise of this fundamental right, which could harm both persons and the state, with no possibility of punishment to the offending party. Generally, based on this prohibition, it is affirmed that a criminal investigation cannot begin and progress founded on anonymous communication of crimes. Informations about crimes to the investigative authorities require the correct identification of the stakeholders. Therefore, it is sustained that the prohibition of anonymity also comprehends the prohibition of utilization of pseudonyms and heteronyms. The main purpose of this essay is to recognize the limits and possibilities in starting and conducting criminal investigations based on communication of crimes made by unidentified persons, behind the veil of anonymity or hidden by pseudonyms or heteronyms. Although the prohibition of article 5°, IV, of the Constitution is not submitted to direct or indirect constitutional restrictions, this impediment can be object of mitigation in certain cases, in attention to the constitutional values that support state investigation. The pertinence analysis of the restrictions to the constitutional anonymity prohibition must consider the proportionality, integrated by the partial elements of adequacy, necessity and strict sense proportionality. The criminal investigation is a means to achieve a purpose, the protection of fundamental rights, because the disclosure of facts, through the investigatory activity, gives rise to the accomplishment of measures in order to prevent or punish the violations eventually verified. So, the start and the development of the state criminal investigation activity, based on a crime communication carried out by an unidentified person, will depend on the demonstration that the setting up and continuity of an investigation procedure, in each case, are an adequate, necessary and (in a strict sense) proportional means to the protection of fundamental rights

Livre expressão :para que te quero? o interesse público no ensino do Jornalismo

The main objective of this research was studying the meanings of the freedom of expression and what professors of Journalism think about the way those meanings are used in pedagogical practices. The term freedom of expression is commonly used in journalism even though it is not so studied, consequently we don t have a word to define it. Therefore, we related the term freedom of expression in Journalism teaching to the condition as the object of this study, aiming to establish a connection among the term, the right, free expression and the endurance of the right. The theorical support to understand the dynamic of the meanings of the freedom of expression in the social practice of Journalism teaching was based in the Hegeliana dialetic theorical principles and in the language philosophy more specifically in Bakhtin s perspective from which we can mention the social auditorium, immediate conditions of production and a wider social horizon as the main categories of analysis. This study is a qualitative research with an interacionist perspective anchored in a semi-structured interview as a privileged method of data collecting made with ten professors from Journalism graduation. The analysis reveals that, in the interviewers perspective, there would be a deceiving practice from freedom of expression in the journalism teaching in which emerges either in speeches with handbills spreading the fear and/or under a stimulus form to concealment

Corpo e aprendizagem em Boris Cyrulnik e em Merleau-Ponty

This research seeks to identify views of the body and learning the authors Boris Cyrulnik and Merleau - Ponty, thus tracing reflective for the educational field in several areas, with emphasis on physical education paths . We notice that the above authors present a wide collection of books, needing to develop this theoretical construct a limitation in their works. Therefore , on the theme of the body , were used mainly books The Sixth Sense , Boris Cyrulnik and Phenomenology of Perception , Merleau- Ponty , as both present in their organizational context a specific chapter on this subject . The phenomenological approach is included as path to be taken to devise this study because it is based on daily reflections that the human being perceives through his experiences with his peers and mainstream culture. The phenomenological reduction was carried out from the readings and interpretations of texts, writers and commentators, as well as approaching with life aspects of experience as a police officer and professor of ethics. The interpretation points to the understanding of body and learning that can be propagated within the Physical Education and as a way to understand and learn the constructs lived through sensitivity. The design of the body, feelings and affections of Boris Cyrulnik firm the empathetic bonds between human beings, bringing confidence to explore the world, learning through the new link with the other. This notion is close to the notion of expressive body Merleau Ponty, who holds intentions in their gestures (movements), entwining in time and space. Boris Cyrulnik and Merleau-Ponty expressed as the human being is enigmatic, lying embedded in a social and cultural world, so the experiences to traçarem existential trajetória and learning need in order to enaltercer freedom of expression as a mechanism that can be deployed in the appropriation of concepts and the criticality of the subject facing widespread theories (biological, social, anthropological , etc.) . From the reflections of the research is that recomneda Physical Education , as epistemological working area apprenticeships stemmed body movements should enable reflection on their practice, other do be done, but enabling the creation of different senses and meanings each body attitude

Espaços e fronteiras da liberdade de expressão em blogs na internet

Dans cet article, j´étudie la notion courante de liberté d´expression, fréquemment associée aux pratiques de l´écriture sur internet, par exemple, celle des blogues. Du point de vue de l´Analyse du Discours, je m´occupe des questions de l´ordre linguistique et discursive qui peuvent favoriser l´émergence de certains énoncés dans le réseau à cause de la multiplicité des relations qui permettent que le(s) dire(s) apparaisse(nt) dans la société contemporaine. En particulier, je cherche à caractériser les conditions de production du language en réseau pour constituer l´espace, compris selon une problématique sociale (SANTOS, 1996, 2008), par sa relation avec l´histoire, comprise en discontinuité (FOUCAULT, 1997).

Caso Rushdie: uma análise da relação entre islamismo e direitos humanos

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Lei e liberdade na ADPF 130: uma leitura da decisão a partir de Hannah Arendt

Esta dissertação pretende analisar criticamente o julgado da ADPF 130, a luz do pensamento político de Hannah Arendt, em razão de conduzir o debate do significado da imprensa idônea para a promoção da liberdade de expressão quando torna efetivo o princípio da publicidade na esfera pública. O pensamento da autora contribui para avaliar criticamente a racionalidade do Poder judiciário brasileiro na decisão da ADPF 130 pelo fato deste conceber de modo questionável a imprensa ter o papel democrático de ser formadora de opinião pública e de compreender que qualquer lei para regulamentar a atividade midiática implica automaticamente em cair no risco da censura prévia. No capítulo I, o trabalho sumariza as argumentações propostas na ADPF para indicar que a maioria dos votos dos ministros se situa a partir das concepções gerais do liberalismo e as suas consequências para atuação da imprensa na democracia brasileira. Em seguida, na primeira parte do capítulo II serão apresentadas as principais características do pensamento político de Arendt contempladas nas obras A condição humana e Origens do totalitarismo, em uma perspectiva de situá-las na tradição política do pensamento político ocidental, expondo, de forma geral, os contornos de seu sistema político, como: distinção entre domínio público e domínio privado, vita activa e doxa e função da lei. Assim, passa-se a analisar, em momento posterior no capítulo II as manifestações do pensamento arendtiano em torno da liberdade de expressão e a repercussão do seu significado na imprensa idônea. O capítulo III posiciona o pensamento arendtiano na tradição política do mundo ocidental. Nele, Arendt aponta quando a liberdade política que se manifesta entre o eu-posso e eu-quero se dissocia, o qual ocasiona obstáculos para a aparição da doxa no agir em concerto entre os homens. Assim, equivocadamente a política passa a ser vista apenas como um velho truísmo de assegurar a liberdade. Compreendemos que, neste contexto, a imprensa é concebida pela maioria dos votos dos ministros com o papel de ser formadora de opinião pública pelo fato de considerarem implicitamente que vivemos numa democracia onde os homens não participam efetivamente na vida pública.

Os antecedentes e a luta atual em torno da Conferência Nacional de Comunicação

The ancient struggle for a National Conference on Communication in Brazil, truly representative and with clear opportunities to define new rules to the sector of communication, has been waged for years and was conducted in late 2009. It is proposed to identify the background of the historic struggle for CNC can be perceived in the defense of press freedom and freedom of expression in seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, most recently in the movements of democratization policy in the 80s and 90s. The research was done by analyzing the direct and indirect official document concerning the establishment of guidelines and the convening of the Conference, and manifestation of civil society and business. 


A liberdade de imprensa vista pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal: análise da ADPF n. 130

The present study aims to present and analyze the ruling of the Brazilian Supreme Court in ADPF 130 (Concentrated constitutional review action, Fundamental Precept Infringement, Argüição de Descumprimento de Preceito Fundamental), proposed by Partido Democrático Trabalhista (PDT), which contests the compatibility of statute 5.250/67 with the Federal Constitution of 1988. This work considers that the judicial ruling is different than the approach taken by the Legislative and Executive powers, arguing that there is, in the Judiciary, a peculiar way for ruling, surrounded by mysteries, rites, secrets, pomp and circunstances unintelligible to layman. To reach the proposed goal, Justice Carlos Brito´s report and opinion on ADPF 130 are analyzed. The choice of giving special attention to this opinion, which favors the declaration of unconstitutionality of the 5.250/67 statute, is justified in that it represents agreement with the allegation of disrespect to the constitutional text, as suggested by the Partido Democrático Trabalhista. The arguments put forth by the presiding Justice on his ruling will also be the object of consideration, as well as some possible consequences of the ruling.

Comportamentos e atitudes sexuais no cotidiano de um grupo de prostitutas e seus clientes

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Product placement e libertà di espressione

Object of the search is the advertising phenomenon of the "product placement", with reference to that it has been investigated legality’s limits, as well as the relationship with the constitutionally protected liberty of expression. Particularly, it has been analyzed, in first place, the problem of the relationship between the freedom of expression and the liberty of economic initiative, with particular reference to the different circles of guardianship to these prepared: or, larger, the one provided for the first from the 21th article of Costitution, more circumscribed, instead, the one established in the 41th article of Costitution, with reference to the second. This analysis has been made with the purpose to investigate the coordination among such liberties in those forms of communications that, for the proper peculiarities that characterize them, can be qualified, according to the concrete circumstances in which they are spread, so much forms of liberty of expression, how much exercise of an activity of enterprise. Under this last profile, it has been taken attention on the advertising activity and, specially, on the non transparent publicities, or not immediately perceivable as such from their receivers, and, therefore, in contrast with the advertising trasparence’s principle: or, the so-called cases of hidden publicity, what the editorial publicity, both "in narrow sense" both "in general sense", as well as the phenomenon of the product placement (or positioning of product), by now diffused in the commercial routine. Therefore, it has been proceeded to a complete and exhaustive examination of innovations introduced by the recent legislative discipline in subject of “planned placement of marks and products” in the cinema works, appraising, in the specific one, the effects, juridical and no juridical, consequential from the introduction of a first form of regulation of the phenomenon of the product placement and, particularly, from the express provision about the legality of the use to such advertising, if it has realized according to specific requirements or condition. In relationship to such profile, it has been also investigate limits (sub kind of normative gaps) from which the recently introduced discipline in subject would seem characterized. Finally, a further circle of investigation has concerned the possible organization of the phenomenon under a negotiate aspect, as particular contract of advertising, in which the object consists in an promotional activity. Concerning this, the experience of foreign countries (above all the Anglo-Saxon one) has been very important, because of the absence, in our arrangement, of a general normative discipline about advertising contracts. Consequently, I’ve investigated principal characteristics of similar contracts, in first place the atypicalness, because of the lack, in Italy, of a legislative discipline of this contract. Such investigation has also been developed through a comparation between the positioning of product and the other advertising contracts, among which, particularly, the sponsorship, as well as the contracts for the advertising exploitation of the name and other people's image, and, specially, the contract of testimonial and the contract of endorsement.

L'a(rche)tipico Brian O'Nolan. Comico e riso dalla tradizione al post-

This study aims at analysing Brian O'Nolans literary production in the light of a reconsideration of the role played by his two most famous pseudonyms ,Flann Brien and Myles na Gopaleen, behind which he was active both as a novelist and as a journalist. We tried to establish a new kind of relationship between them and their empirical author following recent cultural and scientific surveys in the field of Humour Studies, Psychology, and Sociology: taking as a starting point the appreciation of the comic attitude in nature and in cultural history, we progressed through a short history of laughter and derision, followed by an overview on humour theories. After having established such a frame, we considered an integration of scientific studies in the field of laughter and humour as a base for our study scheme, in order to come to a definition of the comic author as a recognised, powerful and authoritative social figure who acts as a critic of conventions. The history of laughter and comic we briefly summarized, based on the one related by the French scholar Georges Minois in his work (Minois 2004), has been taken into account in the view that humorous attitude is one of man’s characteristic traits always present and witnessed throughout the ages, though subject in most cases to repression by cultural and political conservative power. This sort of Super-Ego notwithstanding, or perhaps because of that, comic impulse proved irreducible exactly in its influence on the current cultural debates. Basing mainly on Robert R. Provine’s (Provine 2001), Fabio Ceccarelli’s (Ceccarelli 1988), Arthur Koestler’s (Koestler 1975) and Peter L. Berger’s (Berger 1995) scientific essays on the actual occurrence of laughter and smile in complex social situations, we underlined the many evidences for how the use of comic, humour and wit (in a Freudian sense) could be best comprehended if seen as a common mind process designed for the improvement of knowledge, in which we traced a strict relation with the play-element the Dutch historian Huizinga highlighted in his famous essay, Homo Ludens (Huizinga 1955). We considered comic and humour/wit as different sides of the same coin, and showed how the demonstrations scientists provided on this particular subject are not conclusive, given that the mental processes could not still be irrefutably shown to be separated as regards graduations in comic expression and reception: in fact, different outputs in expressions might lead back to one and the same production process, following the general ‘Economy Rule’ of evolution; man is the only animal who lies, meaning with this that one feeling is not necessarily biuniquely associated with one and the same outward display, so human expressions are not validation proofs for feelings. Considering societies, we found that in nature they are all organized in more or less the same way, that is, in élites who govern over a community who, in turn, recognizes them as legitimate delegates for that task; we inferred from this the epistemological possibility for the existence of an added ruling figure alongside those political and religious: this figure being the comic, who is the person in charge of expressing true feelings towards given subjects of contention. Any community owns one, and his very peculiar status is validated by the fact that his place is within the community, living in it and speaking to it, but at the same time is outside it in the sense that his action focuses mainly on shedding light on ideas and objects placed out-side the boundaries of social convention: taboos, fears, sacred objects and finally culture are the favourite targets of the comic person’s arrow. This is the reason for the word a(rche)typical as applied to the comic figure in society: atypical in a sense, because unconventional and disrespectful of traditions, critical and never at ease with unblinkered respect of canons; archetypical, because the “village fool”, buffoon, jester or anyone in any kind of society who plays such roles, is an archetype in the Jungian sense, i.e. a personification of an irreducible side of human nature that everybody instinctively knows: a beginner of a tradition, the perfect type, what is most conventional of all and therefore the exact opposite of an atypical. There is an intrinsic necessity, we think, of such figures in societies, just like politicians and priests, who should play an elitist role in order to guide and rule not for their own benefit but for the good of the community. We are not naïve and do know that actual owners of power always tend to keep it indefinitely: the ‘social comic’ as a role of power has nonetheless the distinctive feature of being the only job whose tension is not towards stability. It has got in itself the rewarding permission of contradiction, for the very reason we exposed before that the comic must cast an eye both inside and outside society and his vision may be perforce not consistent, then it is satisfactory for the popularity that gives amongst readers and audience. Finally, the difference between governors, priests and comic figures is the seriousness of the first two (fundamentally monologic) and the merry contradiction of the third (essentially dialogic). MPs, mayors, bishops and pastors should always console, comfort and soothe popular mood in respect of the public convention; the comic has the opposite task of provoking, urging and irritating, accomplishing at the same time a sort of control of the soothing powers of society, keepers of the righteousness. In this view, the comic person assumes a paramount importance in the counterbalancing of power administration, whether in form of acting in public places or in written pieces which could circulate for private reading. At this point comes into question our Irish writer Brian O'Nolan(1911-1966), real name that stood behind the more famous masks of Flann O'Brien, novelist, author of At Swim-Two-Birds (1939), The Hard Life (1961), The Dalkey Archive (1964) and, posthumously, The Third Policeman (1967); and of Myles na Gopaleen, journalist, keeper for more than 25 years of the Cruiskeen Lawn column on The Irish Times (1940-1966), and author of the famous book-parody in Irish An Béal Bocht (1941), later translated in English as The Poor Mouth (1973). Brian O'Nolan, professional senior civil servant of the Republic, has never seen recognized his authorship in literary studies, since all of them concentrated on his alter egos Flann, Myles and some others he used for minor contributions. So far as we are concerned, we think this is the first study which places the real name in the title, this way acknowledging him an unity of intents that no-one before did. And this choice in titling is not a mere mark of distinction for the sake of it, but also a wilful sign of how his opus should now be reconsidered. In effect, the aim of this study is exactly that of demonstrating how the empirical author Brian O'Nolan was the real Deus in machina, the master of puppets who skilfully directed all of his identities in planned directions, so as to completely fulfil the role of the comic figure we explained before. Flann O'Brien and Myles na Gopaleen were personae and not persons, but the impression one gets from the critical studies on them is the exact opposite. Literary consideration, that came only after O'Nolans death, began with Anne Clissmann’s work, Flann O'Brien: A Critical Introduction to His Writings (Clissmann 1975), while the most recent book is Keith Donohue’s The Irish Anatomist: A Study of Flann O'Brien (Donohue 2002); passing through M.Keith Booker’s Flann O'Brien, Bakhtin and Menippean Satire (Booker 1995), Keith Hopper’s Flann O'Brien: A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Post-Modernist (Hopper 1995) and Monique Gallagher’s Flann O'Brien, Myles et les autres (Gallagher 1998). There have also been a couple of biographies, which incidentally somehow try to explain critical points his literary production, while many critical studies do the same on the opposite side, trying to found critical points of view on the author’s restless life and habits. At this stage, we attempted to merge into O'Nolan's corpus the journalistic articles he wrote, more than 4,200, for roughly two million words in the 26-year-old running of the column. To justify this, we appealed to several considerations about the figure O'Nolan used as writer: Myles na Gopaleen (later simplified in na Gopaleen), who was the equivalent of the street artist or storyteller, speaking to his imaginary public and trying to involve it in his stories, quarrels and debates of all kinds. First of all, he relied much on language for the reactions he would obtain, playing on, and with, words so as to ironically unmask untrue relationships between words and things. Secondly, he pushed to the limit the convention of addressing to spectators and listeners usually employed in live performing, stretching its role in the written discourse to come to a greater effect of involvement of readers. Lastly, he profited much from what we labelled his “specific weight”, i.e. the potential influence in society given by his recognised authority in determined matters, a position from which he could launch deeper attacks on conventional beliefs, so complying with the duty of a comic we hypothesised before: that of criticising society even in threat of losing the benefits the post guarantees. That seemingly masochistic tendency has its rationale. Every representative has many privileges on the assumption that he, or she, has great responsibilities in administrating. The higher those responsibilities are, the higher is the reward but also the severer is the punishment for the misfits done while in charge. But we all know that not everybody accepts the rules and many try to use their power for their personal benefit and do not want to undergo law’s penalties. The comic, showing in this case more civic sense than others, helped very much in this by the non-accessibility to the use of public force, finds in the role of the scapegoat the right accomplishment of his task, accepting the punishment when his breaking of the conventions is too stark to be forgiven. As Ceccarelli demonstrated, the role of the object of laughter (comic, ridicule) has its very own positive side: there is freedom of expression for the person, and at the same time integration in the society, even though at low levels. Then the banishment of a ‘social’ comic can never get to total extirpation from society, revealing how the scope of the comic lies on an entirely fictional layer, bearing no relation with facts, nor real consequences in terms of physical health. Myles na Gopaleen, mastering these three characteristics we postulated in the highest way, can be considered an author worth noting; and the oeuvre he wrote, the whole collection of Cruiskeen Lawn articles, is rightfully a novel because respects the canons of it especially regarding the authorial figure and his relationship with the readers. In addition, his work can be studied even if we cannot conduct our research on the whole of it, this proceeding being justified exactly because of the resemblances to the real figure of the storyteller: its ‘chapters’ —the daily articles— had a format that even the distracted reader could follow, even one who did not read each and every article before. So we can critically consider also a good part of them, as collected in the seven volumes published so far, with the addition of some others outside the collections, because completeness in this case is not at all a guarantee of a better precision in the assessment; on the contrary: examination of the totality of articles might let us consider him as a person and not a persona. Once cleared these points, we proceeded further in considering tout court the works of Brian O'Nolan as the works of a unique author, rather than complicating the references with many names which are none other than well-wrought sides of the same personality. By putting O'Nolan as the correct object of our research, empirical author of the works of the personae Flann O'Brien and Myles na Gopaleen, there comes out a clearer literary landscape: the comic author Brian O'Nolan, self-conscious of his paramount role in society as both a guide and a scourge, in a word as an a(rche)typical, intentionally chose to differentiate his personalities so as to create different perspectives in different fields of knowledge by using, in addition, different means of communication: novels and journalism. We finally compared the newly assessed author Brian O'Nolan with other great Irish comic writers in English, such as James Joyce (the one everybody named as the master in the field), Samuel Beckett, and Jonathan Swift. This comparison showed once more how O'Nolan is in no way inferior to these authors who, greatly celebrated by critics, have nonetheless failed to achieve that great public recognition O’Nolan received alias Myles, awarded by the daily audience he reached and influenced with his Cruiskeen Lawn column. For this reason, we believe him to be representative of the comic figure’s function as a social regulator and as a builder of solidarity, such as that Raymond Williams spoke of in his work (Williams 1982), with in mind the aim of building a ‘culture in common’. There is no way for a ‘culture in common’ to be acquired if we do not accept the fact that even the most functional society rests on conventions, and in a world more and more ‘connected’ we need someone to help everybody negotiate with different cultures and persons. The comic gives us a worldly perspective which is at the same time comfortable and distressing but in the end not harmful as the one furnished by politicians could be: he lets us peep into parallel worlds without moving too far from our armchair and, as a consequence, is the one who does his best for the improvement of our understanding of things.

Il volto europeo del reato di negazionismo tra richieste di incriminazione UE e principi fondamentali CEDU

La presente indagine mira ad esaminare, in chiave innovativa, i rapporti tra l’Europa ed un reato prettamente europeo: il negazionismo. Sviluppatosi in maniera assolutamente predominante nel nostro continente, le ragioni della sua diffusione sono molteplici. Al di là della lotta a razzismo ed antisemitismo, il motivo principale va identificato nel ruolo “fondativo” che riveste la memoria dell’Olocausto in Europa, collocata nel cuore dell’universo valoriale su cui si reggono i due principali attori europei, ovverosia l’Unione europea e la Corte europea dei diritti dell’uomo. La ricerca, dunque, ruota attorno a due poli tematici. Da un lato, sono state esaminate le politiche normative dell’Unione europea in materia di razzismo e xenofobia, entro cui spicca la promozione dell’incriminazione del negazionismo “allargato”, cioè esteso alle condotte di negazione non solo dell’Olocausto, ma anche degli altri crimini internazionali. Dall’altro lato, l’analisi della trentennale giurisprudenza della Corte di Strasburgo in materia ha evidenziato come, con riguardo alle manifestazioni negazioniste, sia stato elaborato uno “statuto speciale”, che si risolve nel perentorio diniego di tutela per questa categoria di opinioni, sottratte a monte all’ordinario giudizio di bilanciamento in quanto giudicate incompatibili con i valori sottesi alla CEDU. Lo scopo di questo lavoro riposa nel tentativo di individuare le interazioni tra questi due sistemi istituzionali, per interpretare una tendenza che converge con nettezza verso un incremento della repressione penale della parola. Da questo complesso intreccio di norme e principi, di hard law e soft law, sarà possibile enucleare la natura giuridica ed il contenuto delle richieste di incriminazione rivolte agli Stati membri. Una volta appurato che agli Stati è concesso di restringere il campo di applicazione del reato di negazionismo, adottando degli indici di pericolosità delle condotte, sarà analizzata la tenuta di questi “elementi opzionali del reato” alla luce dei principi penalistici di tassatività, materialità, offensività e laicità.

La lucha del Derecho contra el negacionismo: una peligrosa frontera. Particular estudio de los ordenamientos italiano y español

En la sociedad europea crece la preocupación por el retorno de tendencias fascistas y neonazis y por la extensión de ideologías xenófobas y antisemitas, algunas de ellas alimentadas a partir de tesis de negacionistas de aquellos trágicos eventos de nuestra historia reciente. La lucha frente a los discursos negacionistas se ha llevado más allá del ámbito social y académico, y se ha propuesto la incorporación en los ordenamientos jurídicos europeos de tipos penales específicos que incriminan este tipo de discurso: negar, banalizar, o justificar el Holocausto u otros genocidios o graves crímenes contra la humanidad. Esta legislación, que encuentra su mayor expresión en la Decisión marco 2008/913/JAI, aunque castiga un discurso socialmente repugnante, sin embargo presenta dudas en cuanto a su legitimidad con un sistema de libertades erigido sobre el pilar del pluralismo propio de los Estados democráticos. Surge así la cuestión de si pueden estar surgiendo «nuevos» delitos de opinión y a ello se dedica entonces la presente tesis. El objetivo concreto de este trabajo será analizar esta política-criminal para proponer una configuración del delito de negacionismo compatible con la libertad de expresión, aunque se cuestionará la conveniencia de castigar penalmente a través de un específico delito este tipo de conductas. En particular se pretende responder a tres preguntas: en primer lugar, ¿el discurso negacionista debe ampararse prima facie por la libertad de expresión en un ordenamiento abierto y personalista y cuáles podrían ser las «reglas» que podrían servir como criterio para limitar este género de manifestaciones? La segunda pregunta sería entonces: ¿Cómo podría construirse un tipo penal respetuoso con los principios constitucionales y penales que específicamente incriminara este género de conductas? Y, como última pregunta: ¿Es conveniente o adecuada una política criminal que lleve a crear un específico delito de negacionismo?