Lithologic Control on the Scaling Properties of the First-Order Streams of Drainage Networks: A Monofractal Analysis

The movement of water through the landscape can be investigated at different scales. This study dealt with the interrelation between bedrock lithology and the geometry of the overlying drainage systems. Parameters of fractal analysis, such as fractal dimension and lacunarity, were used to measure and quantify this relationship. The interrelation between bedrock lithology and the geometry of the drainage systems has been widely studied in the last decades. The quantification of this linkage has not yet been clearly established. Several studies have selected river basins or regularly shaped areas as study units, assuming them to be lithologically homogeneous. This study considered irregular distributions of rock types, establishing areas of the soil map (1:25,000) with the same lithologic information as study units. The tectonic stability and the low climatic variability of the study region allowed effective investigation of the lithologic controls on the drainage networks developed on the plutonic rocks, the metamorphic rocks, and the sedimentary materials existing in the study area. To exclude the effect of multiple in- and outflows in the lithologically homogeneous units, we focused this study on the first-order streams of the drainage networks. The geometry of the hydrologic features was quantified through traditional metrics of fluvial geomorphology and scaling parameters of fractal analysis, such as the fractal dimension, the reference density, and the lacunarity. The results demonstrate the scale invariance of both the drainage networks and the set of first-order streams at the study scale and a relationship between scaling in the lithology and the drainage network.

Identification and Stereospecificity of the First Three Enzymes of 3-Dimethylsulfoniopropionate Biosynthesis in a Chlorophyte Alga1

Many marine algae produce 3-dimethylsulfoniopropionate (DMSP), a potent osmoprotective compound whose degradation product dimethylsulfide plays a central role in the biogeochemical S cycle. Algae are known to synthesize DMSP via the four-step pathway, l-Met → 4-methylthio-2-oxobutyrate → 4-methylthio-2-hydroxybutyrate → 4-dimethylsulfonio-2-hydroxy-butyrate (DMSHB) → DMSP. Substrate-specific enzymes catalyzing the first three steps in this pathway were detected and partially characterized in cell-free extracts of the chlorophyte alga Enteromorpha intestinalis. The first is a 2-oxoglutarate-dependent aminotransferase, the second an NADPH-linked reductase, and the third an S-adenosylmethionine-dependent methyltransferase. Sensitive radiometric assays were developed for these enzymes, and used to show that their activities are high enough to account for the estimated in vivo flux from Met to DMSP. The activities of these enzymes in other DMSP-rich chlorophyte algae were at least as high as those in E. intestinalis, but were ≥20-fold lower in algae without DMSP. The reductase and methyltransferase were specific for the d-enantiomer of 4-methylthio-2-hydroxybutyrate in vitro, and both the methyltransferase step and the step(s) converting DMSHB to DMSP were shown to prefer d-enantiomers in vivo. The intermediate DMSHB was shown to act as an osmoprotectant, which indicates that the first three steps of the DMSP synthesis pathway may be sufficient to confer osmotolerance.

Political economy of the Agenda 2010 reforms: How Gerhard Schröder overcame the "blocked republic". ACES Cases No. 2008.3

This essay will show that the Schröder-led government managed to break the political gridlock and introduce the Agenda 2010 because key institutional structures of Germany‟s political economy had lost their obstructive powers. In other words, the formerly semi-sovereign state had reclaimed its sovereignty. To understand how this happened, Peter Katzenstein's concept of the semi-sovereign state is first explored as a framework through which to analyze economic policy continuity and change. Within this framework, the causes for constant reform inertia between 1982 and 2002, in spite of varying political constellations and changes in the country‟s economic structure, are then discussed. This analysis will demonstrate that the Agenda 2010 reforms are predominantly a result of underlying incremental change in the political economy and its effect on the political decision-making process. Finally, the findings of this analysis are summarized and discussed with the aim of better understanding the economic policies of the current grand coalition government of the CDU/CSU and the SPD government under Chancellor Angela Merkel.

Reports of decisions of the Public service commission, First district, of the state of New York /

Volume IX-XII, July 1-December, 1918-January 1-April 25, 1921 issued in combined report. Found also in the First annual report of the Public service commission, 1921 (New York (state) Public service commission)

The great war and the R.A.M.C.,

"Narrative of the doings of the Royal Army Medical Corps on the Western Front during the first two months of the Great War."--p. vii.

An address, delivered in Haverhill, Feb. 8, 1829, on occasion of the first anniversary of the Society for the Promotion of Temperance in Haverhill and Vicinity. ...

Last page contains the officers of the Society for 1829.

The Electors' remembrancer, or, Guide to The votes of each member of The House of Commons, for the first two sessions [-third session] of the present Parliament.

"To be issued at the close of each session." No. 1 reads: "for the first two sessions of the present parliament"; no. 2: for the third session of the present parliament."

Records of the town of Southhampton, with other ancient documents of historic value ... .

"List of soldiers and sailors ... in the war of the rebellion, from the town of Southampton"; v. 4, [16] p. at end.

Session laws, resolutions and memorials, 1913-1957, passed at the first-23d regular session of the territorial Legislature..

First regular session of the territorial Legislature convened at Juneau March 3d, and adjourned May 1st, 1913

The making of an ideology of the third way:the evolution of christian democracy in Germany (with special reference to 1945-49)

This study investigates the search for the third way in the history of German Christian Democracy. Today, in the United Kingdom, the 'third way' is seen as a new phenomenon, a synthesis of post-war belief in the welfare state and neo-liberal conservatism. Yet it insufficiently acknowledges that the origins of third way thinking, the marriage of social justice with free market economics, of individualism with collective responsibility, are found in the early philosophies of Catholic Social Theory and Protestant Social Ethical Teaching in Germany. This study shows that in the hundred years from the 1840s to the end of the 1940s, there were Catholic and Protestant socio-ethical thinkers and political reformists in Germany who attempted to bridge the philosophical differences between liberalism and socialism, to develop a socio-economic order based on Christian moral values. It will focus on the period 1945-1949, when the CDU was founded as the first interdenominational, Christian party. The study provides the first comprehensive account of the political debates in Christian democratic groups in the Soviet, British, French and American allied occupied zones, also giving equal attention to the contribution from the Protestant wing, alongside the more widely acknowledged role of Catholics in the birth of the CDU. It examines how Christian Democrats envisaged correcting the aberrations of German history, by uniting all social classes and Christian religions in one all-embracing Volkspartei, and transforming party politics from its earlier obsession with sectarian and ideological interests towards a more pragmatic 'third way' programme. The study argues that through the making of its ideology, the CDU modified the nation's understanding of its history, re-interpreted its traditions, and redefined the meaning and perception of established political philosophies. This reveals how the ambiguity of political terminology, and the flexible practice of 'third way' politics, were an invaluable political resource in the CDU's campaign for unity, ideological legitimisation and political power.

"To hold the world in contempt": The British Empire, war, and the Irish and Indian nationalist press, 1899–1914

The era between the close of the nineteenth century and the onset of the First World War witnessed a marked increase in radical agitation among Indian and Irish nationalists. The most outspoken political leaders of the day founded a series of widely circulated newspapers in India and Ireland, placing these editors in the enviable position of both reporting and creating the news. Nationalist journalists were in the vanguard of those pressing vocally for an independent India and Ireland, and together constituted an increasingly problematic contingent for the British Empire. The advanced-nationalist press in Ireland and the nationalist press in India took the lead in facilitating the exchange of provocative ideas--raising awareness of perceived imperial injustices, offering strategic advice, and cementing international solidarity. Irish and Indian press coverage of Britain's imperial wars constituted one of the premier weapons in the nationalists' arsenal, permitting them to build support for their ideology and forward their agenda in a manner both rapid and definitive. Directing their readers' attention to conflicts overseas proved instructive in how the Empire dealt with those who resisted its policies, and also showcased how it conducted its affairs with its allies. As such, critical press coverage of the Boxer Rebellion, Boer War, Russo-Japanese War, and World War I bred disaffection for the Empire, while attempts by the Empire to suppress the critiques further alienated the public. This dissertation offers the first comparative analysis of the major nationalist press organs in India and Ireland, using the prism of war to illustrate the increasingly persuasive role of the press in promoting resistance to the Empire. It focuses on how the leading Indian and Irish editors not only fostered a nationalist agenda within their own countries, but also worked in concert to construct a global anti-imperialist platform. By highlighting the anti-imperial rhetoric of the nationalist press in India and Ireland and illuminating their strategies for attaining self-government, this study deepens understanding of the seeds of nationalism, making a contribution to comparative imperial scholarship, and demonstrating the power of the media to alter imperial dynamics and effect political change.

Writing disenchantment: British First World War Prose, 1914-30.

This book argues that disenchantment is not only a response to wartime experience, but a condition of modernity with a language that finds extreme expression in First World War literature. The objects of disenchantment are often the very same as the enchantments of scientific progress: bureaucracy, homogenisation and capitalism. Older beliefs such as religion, courage and honour are kept in view, and endure longer than often is realised. Social critics, theorists and commentators of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries provide a rich and previously unexplored context for wartime and post-war literature. The rise of the disenchanted narrative to its predominance in the War Books Boom of 1928 – 1930 is charted from the turn of the century in texts, archival material, sales and review data. Rarely-studied popular and middlebrow novels are analysed alongside well-known highbrow texts: D. H. Lawrence, Virginia Woolf, H. G. Wells and Rebecca West rub shoulders with forgotten figures such as Gilbert Frankau and Ernest Raymond. These sometimes jarring juxtapositions show the strained relationship between enchantment and disenchantment in the war and the post-war decade.

"To Hold the World in Contempt": The British Empire, War, and the Irish and Indian Nationalist Press, 1899-1914

The era between the close of the nineteenth century and the onset of the First World War witnessed a marked increase in radical agitation among Indian and Irish nationalists. The most outspoken political leaders of the day founded a series of widely circulated newspapers in India and Ireland, placing these editors in the enviable position of both reporting and creating the news. Nationalist journalists were in the vanguard of those pressing vocally for an independent India and Ireland, and together constituted an increasingly problematic contingent for the British Empire. The advanced-nationalist press in Ireland and the nationalist press in India took the lead in facilitating the exchange of provocative ideas—raising awareness of perceived imperial injustices, offering strategic advice, and cementing international solidarity. Irish and Indian press coverage of Britain’s imperial wars constituted one of the premier weapons in the nationalists’ arsenal, permitting them to build support for their ideology and forward their agenda in a manner both rapid and definitive. Directing their readers’ attention to conflicts overseas proved instructive in how the Empire dealt with those who resisted its policies, and also showcased how it conducted its affairs with its allies. As such, critical press coverage of the Boxer Rebellion, Boer War, Russo-Japanese War, and World War I bred disaffection for the Empire, while attempts by the Empire to suppress the critiques further alienated the public. This dissertation offers the first comparative analysis of the major nationalist press organs in India and Ireland, using the prism of war to illustrate the increasingly persuasive role of the press in promoting resistance to the Empire. It focuses on how the leading Indian and Irish editors not only fostered a nationalist agenda within their own countries, but also worked in concert to construct a global anti-imperialist platform. By highlighting the anti-imperial rhetoric of the nationalist press in India and Ireland and illuminating their strategies for attaining self-government, this study deepens understanding of the seeds of nationalism, making a contribution to comparative imperial scholarship, and demonstrating the power of the media to alter imperial dynamics and effect political change.

Empirical measurement of the Enright phenomenon, a distortion of perceived driving speed

Purpose: In 1970, Enright observed a distortion of perceived driving speed, induced by monocular application of a neutral density (ND) filter. If a driver looks out of the right side of a vehicle with a filter over the right eye, the driver perceives a reduction of the vehicle’s apparent velocity, while applying a ND filter over the left eye increases the vehicle’s apparent velocity. The purpose of the current study was to provide the first empirical measurements of the Enright phenomenon. Methods: Ten experienced drivers were tested and drove an automatic sedan on a closed road circuit. Filters (0.9 ND) were placed over the left, right or both eyes during a driving run, in addition to a control condition with no filters in place. Subjects were asked to look out of the right side of the car and adjust their driving speed to either 40 km/h or 60 km/h. Results: Without a filter or with both eyes filtered subjects showed good estimation of speed when asked to travel at 60 km/h but travelled a mean of 12 to 14 km/h faster than the requested 40 km/h. Subjects travelled faster than these baselines by a mean of 7 to 9 km/h (p < 0.001) with the filter over their right eye, and 3 to 5 km/h slower with the filter over their left eye (p < 0.05). Conclusions: The Enright phenomenon causes significant and measurable distortions of perceived driving speed under realworld driving conditions.