888 resultados para Feminist political philosophy
Resumo:
Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
Resumo:
Pós-graduação em Direito - FCHS
Resumo:
This article aims at developing the so-called ontopolitics as G. Deleuze s innovative contribution to contemporary political philosophy. This objective will lead us to inspect the concept of power that Deleuze borrowed from Foucault and extended in order to assign to it an ontological adequacy. The concept of power opens access to another important element of the Deleuzean political philosophy, that is, the study of the historical diagrams of the power in the so-called discipline and control societies. With the combined dynamical diagram of both, we become aware of the portrait Deleuze draws for the democracy in contemporary societies. Digging into the Deleuzean ontopolitics, we will devote ourselves to the concepts of majority, minority and minor-becoming. It is in this point that the meeting between Deleuze s ontoplitics and Ch. Sanders Peirce s mathematical ontology becomes sound. It happens that Deleuze s ontopolitical concepts, besides their bond to an ontology of the power, receive also a mathematical treatment related to certain arithmetical (denumerable and nondenumerable) and geometrical notions (lines). The majorities and minorities are denumerable sets which are crossed by nondenumerable becomings. This step done, we will reach the stand point of the present paper, where we carry out initial approach with regard to an image for the concepts of majority and minority on the basis of Peirce s theory of collections and multitudes, mostly envisaging the mathematical ontology included in it. Accordingly, the main operation to be accomplished is that the Deleuzean distinction between the denumerable majorities/minorities and the nondenumerable mino-becoming may be mapped out in terms of discrete collections called enumerable, denumerable and abnumerable or postnumerable, in compliance with Peirce s terminology.
Resumo:
The Riot Grrrl movement started in mid-90s and it consists of girls who use rock as a tool of feminist political struggle. Besides using music as a central element of political identity, this movement is also characterized by the formation of an alternative public sphere (formed by fanzines, blogs and e-zines) that functions both as a way to spread their music and as identification trigger mechanism in relation to their political causes. The aim of this article is to study the instruments that these feminists bands - that deviate from the traditional feminist political movements - use to create identification with their audience, especially from an empirical research of e-zines published by these bands and from the communicative action of their leaders in social networks. It is possible to note that, despite other identification mechanisms, testimonies works as a socialization link which marks the alternative public sphere composed by publications made by Riot Grrrls. The testimony serves as a powerful arranger of collective identities, since it is presupposed in the recognition of a world in common, allocating identity as performative action.
Resumo:
Il presente lavoro di ricerca si propone di discutere il contributo che l’analisi dell’evoluzione storica del pensiero politico occidentale e non occidentale riveste nel percorso intellettuale compiuto dai fondatori della teoria contemporanea dell’approccio delle capacità, fondata e sistematizzata nei suoi contorni speculativi a partire dagli anni Ottanta dal lavoro congiunto dell’economista indiano Amartya Sen e della filosofa dell’Università di Chicago Martha Nussbaum. Ci si ripropone di dare conto del radicamento filosofico-politico del lavoro intellettuale di Amartya Sen, le cui concezioni economico-politiche non hanno mai rinunciato ad una profonda sensibilità di carattere etico, così come dei principali filoni intorno ai quali si è imbastita la versione nussbaumiana dell’approccio delle capacità a partire dalla sua ascendenza filosofica classica in cui assume una particolare primazia il sistema etico-politico di Aristotele. Il pensiero politico moderno, osservato sotto il prisma della riflessione sulla filosofia della formazione che per Sen e Nussbaum rappresenta la “chiave di volta” per la fioritura delle altre capacità individuali, si organizzerà intorno a tre principali indirizzi teorici: l’emergenza dei diritti positivi e sociali, il dibattito sulla natura della consociazione nell’ambito della dottrina contrattualista e la stessa discussione sui caratteri delle politiche formative. La sensibilità che Sen e Nussbaum mostrano nei confronti dell’evoluzione del pensiero razionalista nel subcontinente che passa attraverso teorici antichi (Kautylia e Ashoka) e moderni (Gandhi e Tagore) segna il tentativo operato dai teorici dell’approccio delle capacità di contrastare concezioni politiche contemporanee fondate sul culturalismo e l’essenzialismo nell’interpretare lo sviluppo delle tradizioni culturali umane (tra esse il multiculturalismo, il comunitarismo, il neorealismo politico e la teoria dei c.d. “valori asiatici”) attraverso la presa di coscienza di un corredo valoriale incentrato intorno al ragionamento rintracciabile (ancorché in maniera sporadica e “parallela”) altresì nelle tradizioni culturali e politiche non occidentali.
Resumo:
This paper provides an analysis of the key term aidagara (“betweenness”) in the philosophical ethics of Watsuji Tetsurō (1889-1960), in response to and in light of the recent movement in Japanese Buddhist studies known as “Critical Buddhism.” The Critical Buddhist call for a turn away from “topical” or intuitionist thinking and towards (properly Buddhist) “critical” thinking, while problematic in its bipolarity, raises the important issue of the place of “reason” versus “intuition” in Japanese Buddhist ethics. In this paper, a comparison of Watsuji’s “ontological quest” with that of Martin Heidegger (1889-1976), Watsuji’s primary Western source and foil, is followed by an evaluation of a corresponding search for an “ontology of social existence” undertaken by Tanabe Hajime (1885-1962). Ultimately, the philosophico-religious writings of Watsuji Tetsurō allow for the “return” of aesthesis as a modality of social being that is truly dimensionalized, and thus falls prey neither to the verticality of topicalism nor the limiting objectivity of criticalism.
Resumo:
This paper explores the religious implications of eroticism in Western culture since the Sexual Revolution, a period at once applauded for its open and immanent view of sexuality and denounced for its shamelessness and promiscuity. After discussing the work and effects of Alfred C. Kinsey, the father of the Sexual Revolution, I focus on a critical appraisal of Kinsey written by French theorist Georges Bataille (“Kinsey, the Underworld and Work,” in L’Erotisme, 1957). Bataille situates contemporary Western sexuality within a larger historical movement towards the “desacralization” of all aspects of human life: sex, under the scientific gaze of the Kinsey team, became simply another “object” to be analyzed and classified, and “good” sex defined solely in terms of frequency and explosiveness of orgasm. For many, including Hugh Hefner, this approach to sex occasioned a refreshing awakening from the long dark night of Victorian sexual repression. However, as Bataille’s protégé Foucault has shown, the scientific approach to sexuality often masks a desire to control and delimit sexual behaviour, not “liberate” it. Moreover, Bataille makes the point that the desacralization of sexuality denudes sex of a vital component—eroticism—which is necessary for real pleasure and ecstasy. Beyond the “moral” critiques one often hears leveled against Kinsey and his work, Bataille provides a “religious” critique, one that stands, perhaps surprisingly, on the “near side” of sexuality.
Resumo:
While it is only in recent decades that scholars have begun to reconsider and problematize Buddhist conceptions of “freedom” and “agency,” the thought traditions of Asian Buddhism have for many centuries struggled with questions related to the issue of “liberation”—along with its fundamental ontological, epistemological and ethical implications. With the development of Marxist thought in the mid to late nineteenth century, a new paradigm for thinking about freedom in relation to history, identity and social change found its way to Asia, and confronted traditional religious interpretations of freedom as well as competing Western ones. In the past century, several attempts have been made—in India, southeast Asia, China and Japan—to bring together Marxist and Buddhist worldviews, with only moderate success (both at the level of theory and practice). This paper analyzes both the possibilities and problems of a “Buddhist materialism” constructed along Marxian lines, by focusing in particular on Buddhist and Marxist conceptions of “liberation.” By utilizing the theoretical work of Japanese “radical Buddhist” Seno’o Girō, I argue that the root of the tension lies with conceptions of selfhood and agency—but that, contrary to expectations, a strong case can be made for convergence between Buddhist and Marxian perspectives on these issues, as both traditions ultimately seek a resolution of existential determination in response to alienation. Along the way, I discuss the work of Marx, Engels, Gramsci, Lukàcs, Sartre, and Richard Rorty in relation to aspects of traditional (particularly East Asian Mahāyāna) Buddhist thought.
Resumo:
In the early decades of the twentieth century, as Japanese society became engulfed in war and increasing nationalism, the majority of Buddhist leaders and institutions capitulated to the status quo. One notable exception to this trend, however, was the Shinkō Bukkyō Seinen Dōmei (Youth League for Revitalizing Buddhism), founded on 5 April 1931. Led by Nichiren Buddhist layman Seno’o Girō and made up of young social activists who were critical of capitalism, internationalist in outlook, and committed to a pan-sectarian and humanist form of Buddhism that would work for social justice and world peace, the league’s motto was “carry the Buddha on your backs and go out into the streets and villages.” This article analyzes the views of the Youth League for Revitalizing Buddhism as found in the religious writings of Seno’o Girō to situate the movement in its social and philosophical context, and to raise the question of the prospects of “radical Buddhism” in twenty-first century Japan and elsewhere.
Resumo:
The eight pieces constituting this Meeting Report are summaries of presentations made during a panel session at the 2011 Association for Practical and Professional Ethics (APPE) annual meeting held between March 3rd and 6th in Cincinnati. Lisa Newton organized the session and served as chair. The panel of eight consisted both of pioneers in the field and more recent arrivals. It covered a range of topics from how the field has developed to where it should be going, from identification of issues needing further study to problems of training the next generation of engineers and engineering-ethics scholars.
Resumo:
Although heterogeneity and time are central aspects of economic activity, it was predominantly the Austrian School of economics that emphasized these two aspects. In this paper we argue that the explicit consideration of heterogeneity and time is of increasing importance due to the increasing environmental and resource problems faced by humankind today. It is shown that neo-Austrian capital theory, which revived Austrian ideas employing a formal approach in the 1970s, is not only well suited to address issues of structural change and of accompanying unemployment induced by technical progress but also can be employed for an encompassing ecological-economic analysis demanded by ecological economics. However, complexity, uncertainty, and real ignorance limit the applicability of formal economic analysis. Therefore, we conclude that economic analysis has to be supplemented by considerations of political philosophy. Copyright 2006 American Journal of Economics and Sociology, Inc..
Resumo:
Según Leo Strauss, la filosofía política no es más que el intento por responder una pregunta fundamental: la pregunta por el mejor régimen de gobierno que haga posible la “vida buena". Esta pregunta admite dos direcciones distintas como respuesta, y éstas se identifican con lo que el Autor denomina solución clásica y solución moderna al problema de la filosofía política. Sin embargo, sólo la primera puede considerarse una respuesta apropiada al problema, aun cuando debe enfrentar algunas dificultades y contradicciones que en este artículo se analizan en detalle.
Resumo:
El presente artículo examina las principales líneas de ataque lanzadas por el libertarismo de derecha -expresado fundamentalmente en la obra de Robert Nozick-, contra el igualitarismo liberal de John Rawls y el materialismo histórico. En particular, analiza el rechazo nozickeano a la justicia distributiva, a la deseabilidad (y posibilidad) de la cooperación social, y a los esquemas distributivos contrarios al principio de autopropiedad. Asimismo, explora el impacto de este principio libertarista sobre algunos postulados fundamentales del marxismo. Desde una perspectiva que se nutre de los principales debates de la filosofía política contemporánea, y con una opción teórica por el igualitarismo, este texto presenta y procura debilitar las más audaces tesis nozickeanas, las cuales siguen ejerciendo gran influencia en círculos académicos, en algunas instancias de formulación de políticas públicas y, sobre todo, en el sentido común forjado en tiempos de hegemonía neoliberal.