Ethnic conflict and war crimes in the Balkans:the narratives of denial in post-conflict Serbia

In the years following the fall of Slobodan Milo evic, Serbian social, cultural and political responses to the wars of the 1990s have fallen under intense international scrutiny. But is this scrutiny justfied, and how can these responses be better understood? Jelena Obradovic engages with ideas about post-conflict societies, memory, cultural trauma, and national myths of victimhood and justified war to shed light upon Serbian denial and justification of war crimes - for example, Serbia's reluctant cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). Rather than treating denial as a failure to come to terms with the past or as resurgent nationalism, Obradovic argues that the justification of atrocities are often the result of a societal need to understand and incorporate violent events within culturally acceptable boundaries.

Access to start up finance for ethnic minority graduate entrepreneurs in the West Midlands: a gendered perspective

This aim of this paper, from a study funded by the National Council for Graduate Entrepreneurship (NCGE), is to explore access to finance for ethnic minority graduate entrepreneurs (EMGEs) with a particular focus on comparisons between different ethnic groups, and men and women. The authors interviewed selected individuals based upon a review of literature on finance for ethnic minority enterprise. A number of key results from the survey, in that EMGEs: • use external finance significantly (more so than non graduates) and encounter barriers in accessing finance at start-up, in particular those belonging to poor families. • rely excessively on personal savings and family finance, at the start-up and long after the start-up stage, that has implications for the optimal capital structure. • start up businesses that are, on average, larger than non-graduate enterprises and have the potential to reduce economic inactivity amongst the ethnic population. • have, in contrast to general graduate start-ups, a high level of unemployment, take a longer period of time to enter employment and there is a higher level of dissatisfaction with career progression. These findings raise the question whether the right financial advice is taken and whether this behaviour constrains EMGEs' expansion.

Place, ethnicity and poverty in England’

Examination of the relationship between ethnicity, poverty and place has tended to focus on the spatial distribution of minority ethnic groups. This summary paper reviews some key themes in this literature, in order to review the following key questions: •Where are different ethnic groups located, and how does this location relate to their experience of poverty? •Is clustering a good or bad thing, and what is the role of location – regardless of concentration – in terms of impacts on access to housing, employment, and other resources? However, it is notable that existing research in this area continues to present ethnicity as a factor that shapes outcomes only for minority ethnic groups. A wider discussion increasingly recognises the working of ethnicity in the lives of majority communities. Some of the most consistently impoverished areas in Britain, for example, are in regions with relatively small minority ethnic communities. For example, examinations of poverty in Cornwall (Cemlyn, et al., 2002) and Wales (Kenway and Palmer, 2007) identify longstanding concentrations of poverty and social exclusion among relatively static populations. Instead of assuming that ethnic identity influences propensity to poverty when concentrated in particular places, the experiences of Cornwall and Wales encourage us to consider the manner in which places of poverty also have an ethnic character and the impact of this in the wider experience of poverty. In what follows, and in order to reflect the existing literature, we review key points in the debate about the spatial concentration of minority ethnic groups and the impact of this concentration on experiences of poverty. Where possible, we seek to extend these ideas to consider possible implications for spaces of poverty characterised by concentrations of majority ethnic groups.

Strategic groups, cognitive groups and environmental change in the UK pharmaceutical industry

This chapter explores the relationship between changes in strategy and environmental pressures within the UK Pharmaceutical Industry during a ten- year period. Two stable strategic time periods (SSTPs) were identified each of five years duration. Within each time period seven strategic groups were found but 11 out of 29 firms (37.9%) changed strategic groups membership during the period studied. The break between these two SSTPs was found to coincide with a sharp increase in the substitution of branded pharmaceuticals by cheaper parallel imports. A significant relationship was found between firms that changed groups and both their continent of origin and nationality. Firms whose home markets are more vulnerable to substitution were more likely to switch strategic groups. © 2011 Nova Science Publishers, Inc. All rights reserved.

Ethnic conflict and economic disparity:Serbians and Albanians in Kosovo

Using the Living Standards Measurement Study (LSMS) household survey from post-conflict Kosovo, we investigate the comparative economic well-being of Serbs and Albanians. An Oaxaca decomposition shows Serb households are both better endowed with income generating characteristics, such as education, and receive higher returns to these characteristics than Albanian households. Despite these advantages, Serb households have lower living standards, on average, than Albanian households. Most of the difference in living standards between Serb and Albanian households is due to unobserved non-economic factors. This result has serious implications for the political economy of policymaking in post-conflict Kosovo.

Integrating strategic groups and the resource based perspective:understanding the competitive process

Although the strategic group and resource based perspectives are frequently presented as mutually exclusive, we argue otherwise. The resource based view informs strategic group analysis through a firm's product or service portfolio by offering a richer perspective on strategy and an additional lens for competitive group interpretation. Products act as the locus and bedrock for corporate decisions and form the backbone upon which market strategies are constructed. A "corporate genome" analogy is presented to illustrate how this process occurs within the U.K. pharmaceutical industry. © 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

The normal optic nerve variations in an optometric population:Possible ocular and systemic influences

Early detection of glaucoma relies on a detailed knowledge of how the normal optic nerve (ONH) varies within the population. The purpose of this study focused on two main areas; 1. To explore the optic nerve head appearance in the normal optometric population and compare the south Asian (principally Pakistani) with the European white population, correcting for possible ocular and non-ocular influences in a multiple regression model. The main findings were: • The optic discs of the South Asian (SA) and White European (WE) populations were not statistically different in size. The SA group possessed discs with increased cupping and thinner neuro-retinal rims (NRR) compared with the WE group. The SA group also demonstrated a more vertically oval shape than the WE population. These differences were significant at the p<0.01 level. • The upper limits of inter-eye asymmetry were: ≤0.2 for cup to disc area ratio, and 3mmHg for intra-ocular pressure (IOP) for both ethnic groups and this did not increase with age. IOP asymmetry did not vary with gender, ethnicity or a family history of glaucoma and was independent of ONH asymmetry. ONH and IOP asymmetry are therefore independent risk factors when screening for glaucoma for both ethnic groups. 2. To investigate the validity of the ISNT rule: inferior> superior> nasal> temporal NRR thickness in the optometric population. The main findings were: • As disc size increased the disc become rounder and less vertically oval in shape. Vertically oval discs had thicker superior and inferior NRRs and thinner nasal and temporal NRRs compared with rounder disc shapes due to cup shape being independent of disc shape. Vertically oval discs were therefore more likely to obey the ISNT rule than larger rounder discs. • The ISNT rule has a low adherence in our sample of normal eyes (5.7%). However, by removing the nasal sector to become the IST rule, 74.5% of normal eyes obeyed. SA eyes and female gender were more likely to obey the ISNT rule due to increased disc ovality. The IST rule is independent of disc shape and therefore more suitable for assessing discs from both ethnic backgrounds. Obeying the ISNT rule or IST rule was not related to disc or cup size.

About Topological Groups and the Baire Property in Remainders

Александър В. Архангелски, Митрофан М. Чобан, Екатерина П. Михайлова - Изследвани са прирасти със свойството на Бер на топологични групи.

Armed Groups and Violence in Paraguay

Armed violence in Paraguay is not a recent phenomenon. During the second half of the XX Century, Paraguay saw the rise of a larger number of underground, revolutionary movements that sought the overthrow of the Alfredo Stroessner’s (1954-1989) government. From among those movements emerged the Partido Patria Libre (or, Free Fatherland, also known for its acronym PPL), made up of a two branches: one legal and the other one, operational. The latter was based on people’s power, as represented by “Ejército del Pueblo Paraguayo” (or, the Paraguayan People’s Army, with acronym EPP). After EPP broke with PPL in March 2008, this Marxist-oriented revolutionary project, which was apparently oriented to put an end to the social, political and economic inequalities in Paraguay, began to carry out markedly criminal activities, which included bank robberies, kidnappings, assassinations, terrorist attacks and armed confrontations. Its strategies and modus operandi utilized by the Armed Revolutionary Forces of Colombia (FARC). Paraguay features a farm sector in a state of crisis, in which cattle-ranchers, peasants and agro-exporting companies live in a constant strife. The Paraguayan Departments that are the most affected by this situation are Concepciόn, San Pedro, Canindeyú y Caazapá, which also suffer from a weak government presence. This deficiency has made these departments ripe for drug-trafficking activity by Brazilian groups such as Primer Comando Capital (i.e., First Capital command), also PCC and Comando Vermelho, (i.e., The Red Command). That is why many peasants, now recruited by EPP, have joined the drug-trafficking business and that, not only as marihuana growers but as “campanas” (i.e., early warning sentinels) for the organization. This helps shape their attitudes for their future involvement in all areas of drug-trafficking. Paraguayan society is the result of social inequity and inequality, such as those resulting from a lack of opportunity. Although Paraguay has successfully recovered from the last world economic crisis, economic growth, by itself, does not ensure an improvement in the quality of life. As long as such economic and social gaps persist and the government fails to enact the policies that would result in a more just society and toward EPP neutralization or containment, the latter is bound to grow stronger. In this context, the situation in Paraguay calls for more research into the EPP phenomenon. It would also seem necessary for Paraguay to promote an open national debate that includes all sectors of society in order to raise consciousness and to induce society to take actual steps to eliminate the EPP, as well as any other group that might arise in the immediate future. EPP has strong connections with the Frente Patriόtico Manuel Rodríguez in Chile and other armed groups and peasant movements in other countries of this region. Although most governments in the region are aware that the armed struggle is not a solution to current problems, it might be worth it to hold a regional debate about armed or insurgent groups in Latin American to seek common strategies and cooperation on dealing with them since the expansion of these armed groups is a problem for all.

Human Security and Crime in Latin America: The political Capital and Political Impact of Criminal Groups and Belligerents Involved in Illicit Economies

Organized crime and illegal economies generate multiple threats to states and societies. But although the negative effects of high levels of pervasive street and organized crime on human security are clear, the relationships between human security, crime, illicit economies, and law enforcement are highly complex. By sponsoring illicit economies in areas of state weakness where legal economic opportunities and public goods are seriously lacking, both belligerent and criminal groups frequently enhance some elements of human security of the marginalized populations who depend on illicit economies for basic livelihoods. Even criminal groups without a political ideology often have an important political impact on the lives of communities and on their allegiance to the State. Criminal groups also have political agendas. Both belligerent and criminal groups can develop political capital through their sponsorship of illicit economies. The extent of their political capital is dependent on several factors. Efforts to defeat belligerent groups by decreasing their financial flows through suppression of an illicit economy are rarely effective. Such measures, in turn, increase the political capital of anti-State groups. The effectiveness of anti-money laundering measures (AML) also remains low and is often highly contingent on specific vulnerabilities of the target. The design of AML measures has other effects, such as on the size of a country’s informal economy. Multifaceted anti-crime strategies that combine law enforcement approaches with targeted socio-economic policies and efforts to improve public goods provision, including access to justice, are likely to be more effective in suppressing crime than tough nailed-fist approaches. For anti-crime policies to be effective, they often require a substantial, but politically-difficult concentration of resources in target areas. In the absence of effective law enforcement capacity, legalization and decriminalization policies of illicit economies are unlikely on their own to substantially reduce levels of criminality or to eliminate organized crime. Effective police reform, for several decades largely elusive in Latin America, is one of the most urgently needed policy reforms in the region. Such efforts need to be coupled with fundamental judicial and correctional systems reforms. Yet, regional approaches cannot obliterate the so-called balloon effect. If demand persists, even under intense law enforcement pressures, illicit economies will relocate to areas of weakest law enforcement, but they will not be eliminated.