236 resultados para Defeat


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Se muestra que la novela El sueño del ángel, de la nicaragüense Gloria Elena Espinoza, se articula narrativamente alrededor de una serie de caídas, que afectan a los personajes. Son caídas que abarcan varios niveles: el natural, el antropológico, el axiológico y el divino; además, es una caída planteada desde una perspectiva milenarista y apocalíptica, que manifiesta una visión del mundo terrenal como corrupto y en decadencia. Se señala la condición del ángel caído (o exiliado) como una metáfora de la condición humana, asociada al desarraigo y a la derrota.It is shown how the Nicaraguan novel El sueño del ángel [The angel's dream] by Gloria Elena Espinoza is narrated around a series of falls affecting the characters. These falls span several levels: natural, anthropological, axiological and divine. The falls are also seen from a millenary and apocalyptical perspective, which sets forth a view of life on earth as corrupt and decadent. The condition of the fallen (or exiled) angel is explored as a metaphor for the human condition, related to alienation and defeat.

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This thesis examines the relationship between leading British conservative politician, Margaret Thatcher and Australia, from her first visit in 1972 to the defeat of the Liberal Party or ‘Conservative’ government led by Malcolm Fraser in the 1983 Australian elections and shows that Australia played a significant role in Thatcher’s career.

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Depuis la défaite du Oui au référendum de 1995, nous observons une perte de vitesse du mouvement souverainiste québécois. Cette dernière est d’abord perceptible d’un point de vue électoral où nous observons une baisse constante des appuis aux partis souverainistes, et ensuite relativement au fractionnement social et idéologique du mouvement souverainiste. Dans un tel contexte, nous nous attardons, dans le cadre de ce mémoire, à l’engagement des jeunes âgé-e-s de 20 à 26 ans au sein du Parti québécois (PQ). Ces personnes ont commencé à s’impliquer dans ce parti alors que le mouvement souverainiste était déjà caractérisé par une perte de vitesse et n’ont jamais connu les moments effervescents de celui-ci. Suite à seize entrevues semi-directives réalisées avec des militant-e-s du PQ, ce mémoire a pour but de comprendre les processus d’engagement de ces personnes. À l’aide d’une analyse sociologique des parcours d’engagement, nous démontrons d’abord que plusieurs types de parcours ont pu mener ces jeunes à s’engager au PQ. Ensuite, nous soulignons le fait que des éléments du passé, notamment par l’entremise des cours d’histoire et de la socialisation familiale, ont eu une plus grande importance que ceux d’actualité pour leur prise de conscience souverainiste. Nous montrons aussi que ces jeunes appartiennent à une génération politique pour laquelle les grands évènements de l’histoire du mouvement souverainiste ne peuvent plus être considérés comme étant des moments critiques des parcours d’engagement. Nous démontrons finalement que l’analyse des orientations politiques des personnes permet de mieux comprendre les différences entre les différents processus d’engagement.

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World War II profoundly impacted Florida. The military geography of the State is essential to an understanding the war. The geostrategic concerns of place and space determined that Florida would become a statewide military base. Florida’s attributes of place such as climate and topography determined its use as a military academy hosting over two million soldiers, nearly 15 percent of the GI Army, the largest force theUS ever raised. One-in-eight Floridians went into uniform. Equally,Florida’s space on the planet made it central for both defensive and offensive strategies. The Second World War was a war of movement, and Florida was a major jump off point forUSforce projection world-wide, especially of air power. Florida’s demography facilitated its use as a base camp for the assembly and engagement of this military power. In 1940, less than two percent of the US population lived in Florida, a quiet, barely populated backwater of the United States.[1] But owing to its critical place and space, over the next few years it became a 65,000 square mile training ground, supply dump, and embarkation site vital to the US war effort. Because of its place astride some of the most important sea lanes in the Atlantic World,Florida was the scene of one of the few Western Hemisphere battles of the war. The militarization ofFloridabegan long before Pearl Harbor. The pre-war buildup conformed to theUSstrategy of the war. The strategy of theUS was then (and remains today) one of forward defense: harden the frontier, then take the battle to the enemy, rather than fight them inNorth America. The policy of “Europe First,” focused the main US war effort on the defeat of Hitler’sGermany, evaluated to be the most dangerous enemy. In Florida were established the military forces requiring the longest time to develop, and most needed to defeat the Axis. Those were a naval aviation force for sea-borne hostilities, a heavy bombing force for reducing enemy industrial states, and an aerial logistics train for overseas supply of expeditionary campaigns. The unique Florida coastline made possible the seaborne invasion training demanded for USvictory. The civilian population was employed assembling mass-produced first-generation container ships, while Floridahosted casualties, Prisoners-of-War, and transient personnel moving between the Atlantic and Pacific. By the end of hostilities and the lifting of Unlimited Emergency, officially on December 31, 1946, Floridahad become a transportation nexus. Florida accommodated a return of demobilized soldiers, a migration of displaced persons, and evolved into a modern veterans’ colonia. It was instrumental in fashioning the modern US military, while remaining a center of the active National Defense establishment. Those are the themes of this work. [1] US Census of Florida 1940. Table 4 – Race, By Nativity and Sex, For the State. 14.

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This dissertation examined the formation of Japanese identity politics after World War II. Since World War II, Japan has had to deal with a contradictory image of its national self. On the one hand, as a nation responsible for colonizing fellow Asian countries in the 1930s and 1940s, Japan has struggled with an image/identity as a regional aggressor. On the other hand, having faced the harsh realities of defeat after the war, Japan has seen itself depicted as a victim. By employing the technique of discourse analysis as a way to study identity formation through official foreign policy documents and news media narratives, this study reconceptualized Japanese foreign policy as a set of discursive practices that attempt to produce renewed images of Japan’s national self. The dissertation employed case studies to analyze two key sites of Japanese postwar identity formation: (1) the case of Okinawa, an island/territory integral to postwar relations between Japan and the United States and marked by a series of US military rapes of native Okinawan girls; and (2) the case of comfort women in Japan and East Asia, which has led to Japan being blamed for its wartime sexual enslavement of Asian women. These case studies found that it was through coping with the haunting ghost of its wartime past that Japan sought to produce “postwar Japan” as an identity distinct from “wartime imperial Japan” or from “defeated, emasculated Japan” and, thus, hoped to emerge as a “reborn” moral and pacifist nation. The research showed that Japan struggled to invent a new self in a way that mobilized gendered dichotomies and, furthermore, created “others” who were not just spatially located (the United States, Asian neighboring nations) but also temporally marked (“old Japan”). The dissertation concluded that Japanese foreign policy is an ongoing struggle to define the Japanese national self vis-à-vis both spatial and historical “others,” and that, consequently, postwar Japan has always been haunted by its past self, no matter how much Japan’s foreign policy discourses were trying to make this past self into a distant or forgotten other.

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Depuis la défaite du Oui au référendum de 1995, nous observons une perte de vitesse du mouvement souverainiste québécois. Cette dernière est d’abord perceptible d’un point de vue électoral où nous observons une baisse constante des appuis aux partis souverainistes, et ensuite relativement au fractionnement social et idéologique du mouvement souverainiste. Dans un tel contexte, nous nous attardons, dans le cadre de ce mémoire, à l’engagement des jeunes âgé-e-s de 20 à 26 ans au sein du Parti québécois (PQ). Ces personnes ont commencé à s’impliquer dans ce parti alors que le mouvement souverainiste était déjà caractérisé par une perte de vitesse et n’ont jamais connu les moments effervescents de celui-ci. Suite à seize entrevues semi-directives réalisées avec des militant-e-s du PQ, ce mémoire a pour but de comprendre les processus d’engagement de ces personnes. À l’aide d’une analyse sociologique des parcours d’engagement, nous démontrons d’abord que plusieurs types de parcours ont pu mener ces jeunes à s’engager au PQ. Ensuite, nous soulignons le fait que des éléments du passé, notamment par l’entremise des cours d’histoire et de la socialisation familiale, ont eu une plus grande importance que ceux d’actualité pour leur prise de conscience souverainiste. Nous montrons aussi que ces jeunes appartiennent à une génération politique pour laquelle les grands évènements de l’histoire du mouvement souverainiste ne peuvent plus être considérés comme étant des moments critiques des parcours d’engagement. Nous démontrons finalement que l’analyse des orientations politiques des personnes permet de mieux comprendre les différences entre les différents processus d’engagement.

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A key revenue stream for various militant groups across the Middle East, including the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS), is the illicit looting and trafficking of antiquities which are sold on the international black market. Various heritage sites are being looted by ISIS and others with devastating efficiency and on an industrial scale. While exact figures are difficult to ascertain, the profits from these looting operations are estimated to be the second largest revenue stream for ISIS after the illegal sale of crude oil. The illicit trafficking of antiquities is therefore financing the devastating advance of ISIS and any effort, including that by the Australian Department of Defence, to defeat ISIS must address this significant issue. More research is urgently needed to understand the precise nature, scope and variety of antiquities looting across the Middle East, the extent to which it is funding groups like ISIS, and to consider Australia’s role in international strategies to stanch this ongoing problem.

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The cyber security threats from phishing emails have been growing buoyed by the capacity of their distributors to fine-tune their trickery and defeat previously known filtering techniques. The detection of novel phishing emails that had not appeared previously, also known as zero-day phishing emails, remains a particular challenge. This paper proposes a multilayer hybrid strategy (MHS) for zero-day filtering of phishing emails that appear during a separate time span by using training data collected previously during another time span. This strategy creates a large ensemble of classifiers and then applies a novel method for pruning the ensemble. The majority of known pruning algorithms belong to the following three categories: ranking based, clustering based, and optimization-based pruning. This paper introduces and investigates a multilayer hybrid pruning. Its application in MHS combines all three approaches in one scheme: ranking, clustering, and optimization. Furthermore, we carry out thorough empirical study of the performance of the MHS for the filtering of phishing emails. Our empirical study compares the performance of MHS strategy with other machine learning classifiers. The results of our empirical study demonstrate that MHS achieved the best outcomes and multilayer hybrid pruning performed better than other pruning techniques.

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Annually, the association publishes a journal, The Proceedings, which consists of papers presented at the annual meeting. The Abortive Negotiations for a Free-trade Coalition to Defeat Tariff Reform: October, 1903, to February, 1904 by Richard A. Rempel The End of the American Watch on the Rhine by Alexander R. Stoesen Jim Crow Comes to South Carolina by Albert N. Sanders – Furman University Andrew Johnson: The Second Swing ‘Round the Circle by Robert J. Moore The Mature Religious Thought of John Adams by Robert B. Everett

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El objetivo de la presente investigación fue identificar la relación entre ideación suicida y desesperanza en 160 pacientes con cáncer. La ideación suicida se midió a través de dos ítems de una entrevista semiestructurada, la escala de ideación suicida (ISS), el ítem 9 del inventario de depresión de Beck (BDI-IA). La desesperanza se midió con la escala de desesperanza de Beck (BHS). Los resultados obtenidos indicaron una relación significativa (p=.000) entre ideación suicida y desesperanza; una prevalencia de ideación suicida en los pacientes con cáncer entre 4.4% y 13.8% y de riesgo de suicidio entre 5.6% y 30.6%; y algún grado de desesperanza en 31.9 % de los participantes. De acuerdo con lo anterior, se confirma que existe relación entre la desesperanza y la ideación suicida en pacientes oncológicos adultos. Adicionalmente, que estas variables están presentes en los pacientes y que ameritan atención en la intervención interdisciplinaria.

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Esta investigación busca analizar como se modificaron las relaciones entre India y Pakistán luego de los atentados de Mumbai 2008, a la luz de la cultura de anarquía hobbesiana. Para ello, se explicará como la estructura de anarquía ha sido un catalizador en la modificación de la toma de decisiones de los Estados, sobretodo teniendo en cuenta la característica de Pakistán como un Estado predador. Se demostrará si gracias a estos atentados la actuación de India en el conflicto ha cambiado y percibe a su par como un ente violento y predispuesto a la agresión. Para ello se entrará a explicar el devenir histórico de la relación, la intensidad del grupo perpetrador (Lashkar-e-Taiba) y las posiciones de ambos Estados frente a los atentados.