964 resultados para Carter, Ângela, 1940-1992
Resumo:
This study contexualises the relationship between the armed forces and the civil authority in Ireland using and revising the theoretical framework advanced by Huntington. It tracks the evolution of the idea of a representive body for soldiers in the late 1980s, to the setting up of statutory associations under the Defence Amendment Act 1990. The study considers Irish soldiers political agitation and their use of peaceful democratic activities to achieve their aims. It highlights the fundamental policy arguments that were made against the idea of representation for the army and positions those arguments in the study of civil-military relations. Utilising unique access to secret Department of Defence files, it reveals in-depth ideological arguments advanced by the military authories in Ireland against independent representation. This thesis provides an academic study of the establishment of PDFORRA. It answers key questions regarding the change in the position of Irish government who were categorically opposed to the idea of representation in the army. It illustrates the involvement of other agencies such as the European Organisation of Military Associations (Euromil) reveals reciprocal support by the Irish associations to other emerging groups in Spain. Accessing as yet unpublished Department of Defence files, study analyses tension between the military authorities and the government. It highlights for the first time the role of enlisted personnel in the shaping of new state structures and successfully dismmisses Huntingtons theoretical contention that enlisted personnel are of no consequence in the study of civil-military relations. It fills a gap in our understanding, identified by Finer, as to how politicisation of soldiers takes place. This thesis brings a new dimension to the discipline of civil-military relations and creates new knowledge that will enhance our understanding of an area not covered previously.
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The central objective of this study is an examination of discourses of Irish female sexuality and of the apparatuses of control designed for its surveillance and regulation in the period nineteen-twenty to nineteen-forty. It is argued that during this period sexuality, and in particular female sexuality, became established as an icon of national identity. This thesis demonstrated that this identity was given symbolic embodiment in the discursive construction of an idealised, feminine subject, a subject who had purity and sexual morality as her defining characteristics. It is argued that female roles and in particular female sexuality, emerged as contested issues in post-colonial Ireland. This is not unusual given that women are frequently constructed in nationalist discourses as repositories of cultural heritage and symbols of national identity (Kandiyoti 1993). This thesis demonstrates that the Catholic Church played a central role in this process of establishing female sexuality as a national icon. Furthermore, it illustrates that through a process of identification and classification, women, whose behaviour contested the prescribed sexual norm, were categorized and labeled as 'wayward girls' 'unmarried mothers' or 'prostitutes'and mechanisms for their control were set in place. Finally, this thesis reveals that the development of these control apparatuses was mediated by class, with the sexuality of working class women being a primary target of surveillance, regulation and indeed reformation.
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The impact of the Vietnam War conditioned the Carter administration’s response to the Nicaraguan revolution in ways that reduced US engagement with both sides of the conflict. It made the countries of Latin America counter the US approach and find their own solution to the crisis, and allowed Cuba to play a greater role in guiding the overthrow of Nicaraguan dictator Anastasio Somoza Debayle. This thesis re-evaluates Carter’s policy through the legacy of the Vietnam War, because US executive anxieties about military intervention, Congress’s increasing influence, and US public concerns about the nation’s global responsibilities, shaped the Carter approach to Nicaragua. Following a background chapter, the Carter administration’s policy towards Nicaragua is evaluated, before and after the fall of Somoza in July 1979. The extent of the Vietnam influence on US-Nicaraguan relations is developed by researching government documents on the formation of US policy, including material from the Jimmy Carter Library, the Library of Congress, the National Security Archive, the National Archives and Records Administration, and other government and media sources from the United Nations Archives, New York University, the New York Public Library, the Hoover Institution Archives, Tulane University and the Organization of American States. The thesis establishes that the Vietnam legacy played a key role in the Carter administration’s approach to Nicaragua. Before the overthrow of Somoza, the Carter administration limited their influence in Nicaragua because they felt there was no immediate threat from communism. The US feared that an active role in Nicaragua, without an established threat from Cuba or the Soviet Union, could jeopardise congressional support for other foreign policy goals deemed more important. The Carter administration, as a result, pursued a policy of non-intervention towards the Central American country. After the fall of Somoza, and the establishment of a new government with a left wing element represented by the Sandinistas, the Carter administration emphasised non-intervention in a military sense, but actively engaged with the new Nicaraguan leadership to contain the potential communist influence that could spread across Central America in the wake of the Nicaraguan revolution.
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This thesis is an investigation into the US response to the Khmer Rouge regime in Cambodia between 1974 and 1981. It argues that the US experience in the Vietnam War acted as a causal factor in the formulation of its Cambodian policy during the presidencies of Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter. From taking power in April 1975 to their removal by the Vietnamese in January 1979, the Khmer Rouge initiated a revolution unrivalled in the 20th Century for its brutality and for the total eradication of modern society. This thesis demonstrates that the Ford administration viewed Cambodia only as it pertained to their strategy in Vietnam and, following US disengagement from Indochina all but ignored the atrocities occurring there as they instead pursued informal relations with the Khmer Rouge as a means of punishing the Vietnamese. The Carter administration formulated a foreign policy based on human rights yet failed to adequately address the genocide that occurred in Cambodia due to its temporal and regional proximity to Vietnam. Instead, this collective reluctance to reengage with the region and the resulting anti-Vietnamese attitude reinforced Brzezinski’s broader global strategy that allied the US with China in support of an independent Cambodia to further isolate Hanoi. Thus this thesis argues that the distorting impact of the Vietnam War, as well as global Cold War calculations, undermined any appreciation of the Cambodian conflict and caused both administrations to pursue policies in Cambodia that ultimately supported the Khmer Rouge regime. This project incorporates declassified material from the Ford and Carter Presidential Libraries, supplemented by the material from the National Archives and Library of Congress, and relevant newspapers and periodicals. It demonstrates that the limitations placed upon US foreign policy by their experience in the Vietnam War may be used to reveal unexplored elements in US-Cambodian relations.
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This paper summarizes the situation of corporate bonds in Vietnam for the period 1992-1999. Corporate bonds are new in the transitional economy, but the capital shortage and operational inefficiency of the banking sector and financial system would likely drive the bond market up in the future. The paper also discusses some conditions for the Vietnamese bond market to further develop, based on the facts and observation.
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The authors present here a list of 32 mosses belonging to 15 families: Brachytheciaceae, Cryphaeaceae, Entodontaceae, Hedwigiaceae, Hypnaceae, Leptodontaceae, Meteoriaceae, Neckeraceae, Pilotrichaceae, Polytrichaceae, Pterobryaceae, Racopilaceae, Rigodiaceae, Stereophyllaceae, and Trachypodaceae, all collected in the mountainous forests of the Yungas of the NW of the Argentina (Jujuy, Salta, Catamarca and Tucumán provinces), and also in the rainforests from the NE of the country (Misiones province). Eight species: Atrichum polycarpum, Chrysohypnum elegantulum, Pilosium chlorophyllum, Pilotrichella flexilis, Porotrichodendron lindigii, Pseudotrachypus martinicensis, Steerecleus scariosus, and Thamnobryum fasciculatum are new records for the bryologic flora from Argentina. Braunia imberbis and Squamidium brasiliense are two new records for the bryophytic flora of the Catamarca province; Porotrichodendron superbum is new for the Salta province, while Forsstroemia coronata is the first record for the Catamarca and Jujuy provinces. Aerolindigia capillacea, Braunia reflexifolia, Chryso-hypnum diminutivum, Meteorium deppei and Meteoridium remotifolium are five new citations for the Jujuy province, and Schoenobryum concavifolium is new for the bryophytic flora of the Misiones province. Many studied species occur more frequently in the Yungas than in the NE rainforests; others show separated distribution but live in both areas, the Yungas and Paranaense area, and others are more or less restricted to the Paranaense rainforest of the NE of Argentina. The taxonomy of species is updated, and comments are included on bibliographical precedents, ecology and chorology of each taxon.
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This paper presents the validation of five syntaxonomic concepts –two orders (Callitricho hamulatae-Ranunculetalia aquatilis, Zannichellietalia pedicellatae) and three alliances (Ranunculion aquatilis, Nelumbion nuciferae and Caricion viridulo-trinervis).
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En la Segunda Guerra Mundial la propaganda se convirtió en un campo de batalla más: en el caso de Italia era necesario crear en una opinión pública favorable a la guerra sin crear alarmismos. Para ello se utilizó uno de los instrumentos más eficaces para la propaganda del fascismo: el noticiario cinematográfico Luce. Este artículo analiza la representación que los noticiarios producidos desde 1940 hasta 1945 ofrecen de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Se apuntan los temas más recurrentes, las características de las noticias sobre la guerra y se señalan las grandes ausencias debidas a la censura del Régimen de Mussolini.