El legado de Cádiz: ciudadanía y cultura política en la Gobernación de Cuenca, 1812-1814 (Estudios)

Este trabajo analiza el legado de las Cortes de Cádiz y de la Constitución de 1812 en Cuenca entre 1812 y 1814. Estudia los principales cambios políticos relacionados con los derechos de diversos actores sociales, así como el rompimiento de antiguas formas de relación social. Los cambios políticos se relacionaron con la introducción de nuevos conceptos y prácticas como ciudadanía, soberanía, elección y representación, tanto en el mundo criollomestizo como en el indígena (población cañari) de la provincia. Se analiza la abolición del tributo indígena, el servicio personal y la mita, además se estudian algunos cambios administrativopolíticos como la creación de los ayuntamientos constitucionales, las diputaciones provinciales y nacionales.

Ensuring operational compliance and ethical responsibility in the regulation of ART: the HFEA, past, present, and future

Under the Public Bodies Bill 2010, the HFEA, cornerstone in the regulation of assisted reproduction technologies (ART) for the last twenty years, is due to be abolished. This implies that there is no longer a need for a dedicated regulator for ART and that the existing roles of the Authority as both operational compliance monitor, and instance of ethical evaluation, may be absorbed by existing healthcare regulators. This article presents a timely analysis of these disparate functions of the HFEA, charting reforms adopted in 2008 and assessing the impact of the current proposals. Taking assisted conception treatment as the focus activity, it will be shown that the last few years have seen a concentration on the HFEA as a technical regulator based upon the principles of Better Regulation, with little analysis of how the ethical responsibility of the Authority fits into this framework. The current proposal to abolish the HFEA continues to fail to address this crucial question. Notwithstanding the fact that the scope of the Authority's ethical role may be questioned, its abolition requires that the Government consider what alternatives exists - or need to be put in place - to provide both responsive operational regulation and a forum for ethical reflection and decision-making in an area which continues to pose regulatory challenges

Legal outlier, again? U.S. felon suffrage: comparative and international human rights perspectives

The judiciousness of American felon suffrage policies has long been the subject of scholarly debate, not least due to the large number of affected Americans: an estimated 5.3 million citizens are ineligible to vote as a result of a criminal conviction. This article offers comparative law and international human rights perspectives and aims to make two main contributions to the American and global discourse. After an introduction in Part I, Part II offers comparative law perspectives on challenges to disenfranchisement legislation, juxtaposing U.S. case law against recent judgments rendered by courts in Canada, South Africa, Australia, and by the European Court of Human Rights. The article submits that owing to its unique constitutional stipulations, as well as to a general reluctance to engage foreign legal sources, U.S. jurisprudence lags behind an emerging global jurisprudential trend that increasingly views convicts’ disenfranchisement as a suspect practice and subjects it to judicial review. This transnational judicial discourse follows a democratic paradigm and adopts a “residual liberty” approach to criminal justice that considers convicts to be rights-holders. The discourse rejects regulatory justifications for convicts’ disenfranchisement, and instead sees disenfranchisement as a penal measure. In order to determine its suitability as a punishment, the adverse effects of disenfranchisement are weighed against its purported social benefits, using balancing or proportionality review. Part III analyzes the international human rights treaty regime. It assesses, in particular, Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (“ICCPR”), which proclaims that “every citizen” has a right to vote without “unreasonable restrictions.” The analysis concludes that the phrase “unreasonable restrictions” is generally interpreted in a manner which tolerates certain forms of disenfranchisement, whereas other forms (such as life disenfranchisement) may be incompatible with treaty obligations. This article submits that disenfranchisement is a normatively flawed punishment. It fails to treat convicts as politically-equal community members, degrades them, and causes them grave harms both as individuals and as members of social groups. These adverse effects outweigh the purported social benefits of disenfranchisement. Furthermore, as a core component of the right to vote, voter eligibility should cease to be subjected to balancing or proportionality review. The presumed facilitative nature of the right to vote makes suffrage less susceptible to deference-based objections regarding the judicial review of legislation, as well as to cultural relativity objections to further the international standardization of human rights obligations. In view of this, this article proposes the adoption of a new optional protocol to the ICCPR proscribing convicts’ disenfranchisement. The article draws analogies between the proposed protocol and the ICCPR’s “Optional Protocol Aiming at the Abolition of the Death Penalty.” If adopted, the proposed protocol would strengthen the current trajectory towards expanding convicts’ suffrage that emanates from the invigorated transnational judicial discourse.

From harmonisation to better, smart and fit food law

As the European Union (EU) approaches its 60th anniversary, it is worth assessing progress towards a key objective – the abolition of barriers to the marketing of food in the EU. Food has always created particular problems for the EU as national differences in diets, culture and geography make standardisation impossible. Early attempts focussed on direct measures to harmonise requirements or, later, to create an ‘internal market’. Subsequently a changed emphasis brought about the need to focus more clearly on the harmonisation of food safety. More widely, the recent recognition that too much legislation can itself create barriers has led legislators to attempt to consider more carefully the impact of their efforts. This paper reflects on the various stages in the creation of harmonised food controls and considers how case law has impacted the process. Today there are still differences and complete barrier-free trade seems some way off.

Prospettive economiche di mercato della produzione ortofrutticola biologica. Indagine sul gradimento dei consumatori

The aims of the present study are to explore the willingness to pay a tax for the abolition of the use of pesticides as well as a premium price per kilo for organically grown fruit. An investigation was carried out in the region of Emilia-Romagna both by means of face to face questionnaires administered randomly in large supermarkets and via the World Wide Web. The results of econometric estimates show that consumers in this region appear to be particularly sensitive to the ban of pesticides and willing to pay higher prices for such products.

Stated willingness-to-pay for organic fruit and pesticide ban: an evaluation using both web-based and face-to-face interviewing

Income growth in highly industrialised countries has resulted in consumer choice of foodstuffs no longer being primarily influenced by basic factors such as price and organoleptic features. From this perspective, the present study sets out to evaluate how and to what extent consumer choice is influenced by the possible negative effects on health and environment caused by the consumption of fruit containing deposits of pesticides and chemical products. The study describes the results of a survey which explores and estimates consumer willingness to pay in two forms: a yearly contribution for the abolition of the use of pesticides on fruit, and a premium price for organically grown apples guaranteed by a certified label. The same questionnaire was administered to two samples. The first was a conventional face-to-face survey of customers of large retail outlets located around Bologna (Italy); the second was an Internet sample. The discrete choice data were analysed by means of probit and tobit models to estimate the utility consumers attribute to organically grown fruit and to a pesticide ban. The research also addresses questions of validity and representativeness as a fundamental problem in web-based surveys.

Nicked-site substrates for a serine recombinase reveal enzyme–DNA communications and an essential tethering role of covalent enzyme–DNA linkages

To analyse the mechanism and kinetics of DNA strand cleavages catalysed by the serine recombinase Tn3 resolvase, we made modified recombination sites with a single-strand nick in one of the two DNA strands. Resolvase acting on these sites cleaves the intact strand very rapidly, giving an abnormal half-site product which accumulates. We propose that these reactions mimic second-strand cleavage of an unmodified site. Cleavage occurs in a synapse of two sites, held together by a resolvase tetramer; cleavage at one site stimulates cleavage at the partner site. After cleavage of a nicked-site substrate, the half-site that is not covalently linked to a resolvase subunit dissociates rapidly from the synapse, destabilizing the entire complex. The covalent resolvase–DNA linkages in the natural reaction intermediate thus perform an essential DNA-tethering function. Chemical modifications of a nicked-site substrate at the positions of the scissile phosphodiesters result in abolition or inhibition of resolvase-mediated cleavage and effects on resolvase binding and synapsis, providing insight into the serine recombinase catalytic mechanism and how resolvase interacts with the substrate DNA.

Auf dem Prüfstein: Die Umgangsweise der japanischen Regierung mit der Todesstrafe

This paper examines public attitudes to the death penalty in Japan, and explores the validity of claims about »majority public support« that have been used by the Japanese government to justify retention. This is done by analyzing three public perception surveys on the legitimacy of the Japanese death penalty system. This paper criticizes the Japanese government for accepting its own survey results, which, at face value, appear to show support for the death penalty; moreover, it concludes that the Japanese public would likely endorse the abolition of the death penalty without damaging the legitimacy of state institutions.

Involvement of Src kinases and PLCgamma2 in clot retraction.

The integrin alpha(IIb)beta(3) plays a critical role in mediating clot retraction by platelets which is important in vivo in consolidating thrombus formation. Actin-myosin interaction is essential for clot retraction. In the present study, we demonstrate that the structurally distinct Src kinase inhibitors, PP2 and PD173952, significantly reduced the rate of clot retraction, but did not prevent it reaching completion. This effect was accompanied by abolition of alpha(IIb)beta(3)-dependent protein tyrosine phosphorylation, including PLCgamma2. A role for PLCgamma2 in mediating clot retraction was demonstrated using PLCgamma2-deficient murine platelets. Furthermore, platelet adhesion to fibrinogen leads to MLC phosphorylation through a pathway that is inhibited by PP2 and by the PLC inhibitor, U73122. These results demonstrate a partial role for Src kinase-dependent activation of PLCgamma2 and MLC phosphorylation in mediating clot retraction downstream of integrin alpha(IIb)beta(3).

Vox Populi, Vox Dei? A closer look at the ‘public opinion’ argument for retention

The Japanese government’s justification for retaining the death penalty is that abolition would erode the legitimacy of and public trust in the criminal justice system, leading to victims’ families taking justice into their own hands. This justification is based on the results of a regularly administered public opinion survey, which is said to show strong public support for the death penalty. However, a close analysis of the results of the 2014 survey fails to validate this claim. Just over a third of respondents were committed to retaining the death penalty at all costs, while the rest accepted the possibility of future abolition, with some of them seeing this as contingent on the introduction of life imprisonment without parole as an alternative sentence. These findings hardly describe a society that expects the strict application of the death penalty and whose trust in justice depends on the government’s commitment to retaining it. My reading of the 2014 survey is that the Japanese public is ready to embrace abolition. Japan, after all, is a signatory to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which calls on states not to delay or prevent abolition, so this should be welcome news for the Japanese government!

L-Proline uptake in Crithidia deanei is influenced by its endosymbiont bacterium

Crithidia deanei, a monoxenic trypanosomatid, presents an endosymbiotic bacterium in its cytoplasm. Both the protozoan and the bacterium maintain intensive metabolic exchange, resulting in an interesting model to study the coevolution of metabolisms. The relevance of L-proline for the growth of C. deanei and its transport into these cells was studied. Both the endosymbiont-containing (wild) and the endosymbiont-free protozoa (aposymbiont or cured) strains, when grown in medium supplemented with L-proline, reached higher cell densities than those grown in unsupplemented media. We biochemically characterized the uptake of L-proline in both the wild (K(m)=0.153 +/- 0.022 mM, V(max)=0.239 +/- 0.011 nmol min(-1) per 4 x 10(7) cells) and the aposymbiont strains (K(m)=0.177 +/- 0.049 mM, V(max)=0.132 +/- 0.012 nmol min(-1) per 4 x 10(7) cells). These data suggest a single type of proline transporter whose activity is upregulated by the presence of the symbiotic bacterium. Proline transport was further characterized and was found to be insensitive to the extracellular concentration of Na(+), but sensitive to K(+) and pH. The abolition of proline uptake by respiratory chain inhibitors and valinomycin indicates that the proline transport in C. deanei is dependent on the plasma membrane K(+) gradient.

Sistemas monetarios alternativos

This paper is a collection of surveys about alternative monetary systems. It hegins with metalic anda comondity monetary systems. Keeping this line of evolution, the next step is the study of 100% covered emissions like the currency boards and the extreme of the abolition of no national money. The last article concerns the Hayek of the desnationalization of money.

Programa de Promoção da Igualdade de Oportunidade para Todos: experiências de ação afirmativa do Ministério Público do Trabalho (2003-2012)

Nos últimos anos o Brasil tem avançado no sentido de enfrentar as desigualdades raciais. Em 1995, o então Presidente da República Fernando Henrique Cardoso reconheceu oficial e publicamente não apenas a existência da discriminação racial e do preconceito de cor no País, mas também a necessidade de se adotar medidas públicas e privadas para fazer face ao problema. Naquele mesmo ano foi criado o Grupo de Trabalho Interministerial, que teve por incumbência propor ações integradas de combate à discriminação racial e recomendar políticas para a consolidação da cidadania da população negra. Para encaminhar as ações relacionadas ao mercado de trabalho, foi criado em 1996, no âmbito do Ministério do Trabalho, o Grupo de Trabalho para a Eliminação da Discriminação no Emprego e na Ocupação, cuja missão foi definir programas de ações que visassem ao combate da discriminação no emprego e na ocupação. Desde então, temos presenciado uma maior permeabilidade do Estado às demandas e proposições dos movimentos sociais negros. Marcos nesta trajetória foram a criação da SEPPIR – Secretaria de Promoção da Igualdade racial, em 2003, a aprovação do Estatuto da Igualdade Racial, em 2010, e a aprovação, por unanimidade, do sistema de cotas para negros no ensino superior brasileiro, pelo Superior Tribunal Federal, em 2011. Essas, dentre outras, são conquistas inquestionáveis e que revelam que o País vive um período de inflexão no encaminhamento de soluções para os problemas raciais que o assolam. Mas, se por um lado essas conquistas representam grandes vitórias, especialmente quando analisadas sob uma perspectiva retroativa, visto que desde a abolição da escravatura nenhuma ação estatal havia sido direcionada à solução de desigualdades raciais, por outro, muito ainda temos que avançar. Um olhar prospectivo revelará que o fosso criado ao longo desses séculos não poderia ser superado em apenas 20 anos. Muita desigualdade racial ainda resta. E muito ainda resta a ser feito para o seu enfrentamento. Ao “mobilizar conhecimento para a resolução de problemas sociais relevantes” (FARAH, 2012) esta tese busca contribuir para o avanço das políticas de igualdade racial no País, particularmente daquelas voltadas para o mercado de trabalho. Ela se constitui em um estudo de caso do Programa de Promoção da Igualdade de Oportunidade para Todos, uma iniciativa do Ministério Público do Trabalho, que teve por objetivo levar as organizações privadas a adotar ações afirmativas para o enfrentamento das desigualdades de gênero e raça nas relações de trabalho. Para a condução do estudo de caso único, empreendemos uma pesquisa qualitativa, adotando diversas técnicas de pesquisa, como a observação participante, conversas, entrevistas semiestruturadas e análise de documentos e outras materialidades, tendo o pós-construcionismo como sua perspectiva epistemológica (SPINK, 2005). Analisamos o Programa da Promoção da Igualdade de Oportunidade para Todos a partir das seguintes variáveis: sua concepção, implantação e primeiros resultados. Essa análise conduziu-nos a uma revisão da literatura nacional e estrangeira sobre a gestão da diversidade, e da literatura sobre desigualdade categórica durável. Os resultados deste estudo sugerem que, em que pesem as resistências enfrentadas para a sua implantação, o Programa já produziu efeitos positivos, embora também apontem seus limites e ajustes necessários para futuras políticas que visem à redução de desigualdade racial no mercado de trabalho no País.