863 resultados para industrial relations practices


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Among all predictive maintenance techniques the oil analysis and vibration analysis are the most important for monitoring some mechanical systems. The integration of these techniques has potential to improve industrial maintenance practices and provide a better economic gain for industries. To study the integration of these two techniques, a test rig was set up to obtain an extreme working condition for the worm reducer used in this paper. The test rig was composed by a motor connected to a reducer through a flexible coupling and with an unbalanced load. The analysis of the results carried out by using a sample of the oil recommended by the manufacturer in extreme conditions, and using liquid contaminant is presented. From the results it was observed that if there is an abnormal instantaneous load in a system, the subsequent vibration analysis may not perceive what occurred if there was no permanent damage, which is not the case with the lubricant analysis.

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This work aims at the debate about the role of professional public relations practices in the Public Sector Governance, building concepts through policies to encourage public communication. The democratic regime in place in most national states gave up the struggle of social actors in the quest for greater participation and representation in public policy decisions. The communication processes established in the state-society relationship is not limited to the dissemination of information but should lead the public involvement in changing social reality. And public relations are responsible for the mediation in the dialectic of communication between governments and governed

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This paper aims at emphasizing the performance of a Public Relations professional, among other activities related to him, as a conflict intermediary in social relations of labor. Therein, a case study is made with administrative employees from the Regional Management Board of Post Office, in Bauru city, São Paulo state, during Collective Labor Agreement period. For comprehension of this specific case, concepts about labor relations and the union movement, as well as about Public Relations activity and its techniques, are used as theoretical substantiation

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During the second half of the nineteenth century fraternal and benevolent associations of numerous descriptions grew and prospered in mining communities everywhere. They played an important, but neglected role, in assisting transatlantic migration and movement between mining districts as well as building social capital within emerging mining communities. They helped to build bridges between different ethnic communities, provided conduits between labour and management, and networked miners into the non-mining community. Their influence spread beyond the adult males that made up most of their membership to their wives and families and provided levels of social and economic support otherwise unobtainable at that time. Of course, the influence of these organisations could also be divisive where certain groups or religions were excluded and they may have worked to exacerbate, as much as ameliorate, the problems of community development. This paper will examine some of these issues by looking particularly at the role of Freemasonry and Oddfellowry in Cornwall, Calumet, and Nevada City between 1860 and 1900. Work on fraternity in the Keweenaw was undertaken in Houghton some years ago with a grant from the Copper Country Archive and has since been continued by privately funded research in California and other Western mining states. Some British aspects of this research can be found in my article on mining industrial relations in Labour History Review April 2006

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Basato su interviste con i principali attori tedeschi e su un’analisi della letteratura, l’articolo analizza lo sviluppo recente dell’economia tedesca e la strategia tedesca nell’affrontare la crisi dell’eurozona. La Germania è uno stato commerciale (trading state), la cui crescita è fortemente trainata dalle esportazioni. Fino agli anni novanta, rigidità istituzionali forti, nel sistema di relazioni industriali e nel sistema di protezione sociale, contribuivano a conciliare lo sviluppo delle esportazioni con una crescita armonica dei consumi interni, contribuendo cosi a ingabbiare la «tigre» tedesca. A partire dagli anni novanta, sia le relazioni industriali sia la protezione sociale sono state fortemente liberalizzate, stimolando ulteriormente la competitività estera e indebolendo i consumi interni. Il modello economico tedesco, cosi come è venuto profilandosi negli ultimi dieci anni, è alla base delle politiche di austerità che la Germania impone all’Europa. Tali politiche sono fortemente condivise dai partiti politici, dagli attori sociali e dall’opinione pubblica, e le probabilità che la strategia tedesca cambi sono minime.

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Based on interviews with the main German actors and on secondary sources, the article examines the recent development of the German political economy, and the German strategy vis-à-vis the Euro zone. Germany is a trading state whose economic growth is strongly export-led. Until the years 1990s, strong institutional rigidities, both in industrial relations and in the welfare state, contributed to reconcile export growth with household consumption, thus keeping the German “tiger” on a leash. From the early 1990s on, however, both industrial relations and social protections have been strongly liberalized, thus further stimulating external competitiveness and reducing the role of consumption in the German growth model. The unleashed trading state shapes the German response to the Euro crisis and the austerity policies that Germany imposes to Europe. These policies are strongly supported by political parties, social actors, and public opinion in Germany, and the likelihood that they change in the near future is minimal.

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En este trabajo nos proponemos destacar la relevancia del trabajo de Richard Hyman, especialmente de su obra Relaciones Industriales. Una Introducción Marxista 2 para aproximarnos teóricamente al modelo sindical argentino. Si bien este libro en particular y la obra de Hyman en general han sido considerados fundamentales dentro de los estudios marxistas sobre sindicatos, su impacto en Argentina no fue significativo. Es por esta relativa extrañeza de la obra de Hyman en nuestro medio que hemos optado por presentar este trabajo en tres partes. En primer lugar se sitúa la intervención del autor en el contexto anglosajón de las llamadas industrial relations. Esta referencia es un marco adecuado para la segunda parte del trabajo que presenta los elementos fundamentales de su planteo sobre los sindicatos y a su vez algunos de los límites señalados a su trabajo. Por ultimo se abordarán las características del llamado modelo sindical argentino, indicando los elementos que del mismo podrían iluminarse con la propuesta de Hyman, permitiendo una original revisión del tema

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En este trabajo nos proponemos destacar la relevancia del trabajo de Richard Hyman, especialmente de su obra Relaciones Industriales. Una Introducción Marxista 2 para aproximarnos teóricamente al modelo sindical argentino. Si bien este libro en particular y la obra de Hyman en general han sido considerados fundamentales dentro de los estudios marxistas sobre sindicatos, su impacto en Argentina no fue significativo. Es por esta relativa extrañeza de la obra de Hyman en nuestro medio que hemos optado por presentar este trabajo en tres partes. En primer lugar se sitúa la intervención del autor en el contexto anglosajón de las llamadas industrial relations. Esta referencia es un marco adecuado para la segunda parte del trabajo que presenta los elementos fundamentales de su planteo sobre los sindicatos y a su vez algunos de los límites señalados a su trabajo. Por ultimo se abordarán las características del llamado modelo sindical argentino, indicando los elementos que del mismo podrían iluminarse con la propuesta de Hyman, permitiendo una original revisión del tema

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En este trabajo nos proponemos destacar la relevancia del trabajo de Richard Hyman, especialmente de su obra Relaciones Industriales. Una Introducción Marxista 2 para aproximarnos teóricamente al modelo sindical argentino. Si bien este libro en particular y la obra de Hyman en general han sido considerados fundamentales dentro de los estudios marxistas sobre sindicatos, su impacto en Argentina no fue significativo. Es por esta relativa extrañeza de la obra de Hyman en nuestro medio que hemos optado por presentar este trabajo en tres partes. En primer lugar se sitúa la intervención del autor en el contexto anglosajón de las llamadas industrial relations. Esta referencia es un marco adecuado para la segunda parte del trabajo que presenta los elementos fundamentales de su planteo sobre los sindicatos y a su vez algunos de los límites señalados a su trabajo. Por ultimo se abordarán las características del llamado modelo sindical argentino, indicando los elementos que del mismo podrían iluminarse con la propuesta de Hyman, permitiendo una original revisión del tema

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The current debate taking place in continental Europe on the need to reform labour law to reduce the duality between labour market insiders and outsiders, thus giving new employment opportunities to young people seems to be, at its best, a consequence of the crisis, or at its worst, an excuse. The considerable emphasis placed on the power of legislation to reduce youth unemployment prevents real labour market problems from being clearly identified, thus reducing the scope to adopt more effective measures. Action is certainly required to help young people during the current crisis, yet interventions should not be exclusively directed towards increased flexibility and deregulation. This paper questions the “thaumaturgic power” wrongly attributed to legislative interventions and put forward a more holistic approach to solve the problem of youth employment, by focusing on the education systems, school-to-work transition and industrial relations. As a comparative analysis demonstrates, in order to effectively tackle the issue of youth employment, it is not enough to reform labour law. High quality education systems, apprenticeship schemes, efficient placement and employment services, cooperative industrial relations and flexible wage determination mechanisms are the key to success when it comes to youth employment, not only in times of recession.

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The Western Balkans integration within the EU has started a legal process which is the rejection of former communist legal/political approaches and the transformation of former communist institutions. Indeed, the EU agenda has brought vertical/horizontal integration and Europeanization of national institutions (i.e. shifting power to the EU institutions and international authorities). At this point, it is very crucial to emphasize the fact that the Western Balkans as a whole region has currently an image that includes characteristics of both the Soviet socialism and the European democracy. The EU foreign policies and enlargement strategy for Western Balkans have significant effects on four core factors (i.e. Schengen visa regulations, remittances, asylum and migration as an aggregate process). The convergence/divergence of EU member states’ priorities for migration policies regulate and even shape directly the migration dynamics in migrant sender countries. From this standpoint, the research explores how main migration factors are influenced by political and judicial factors such as; rule of law and democracy score, the economic liberation score, political and human rights, civil society score and citizenship rights in Western Balkan countries. The proposal of interhybridity explores how the hybridization of state and non-state actors within home and host countries can solve labor migration-related problems. The economical and sociopolitical labor-migration model of Basu (2009) is overlapping with the multidimensional empirical framework of interhybridity. Indisputably, hybrid model (i.e. collaboration state and non-state actors) has a catalyst role in terms of balancing social problems and civil society needs. Paradigmatically, it is better to perceive the hybrid model as a combination of communicative and strategic action that means the reciprocal recognition within the model is precondition for significant functionality. This will shape social and industrial relations with moral meanings of communication.

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The objective of this thesis is to understand the impact of satisfaction with innovative benefits on the intention to stay of the information and communications technology industry (ICT) workers. In order to investigate this question, a general research hypothesis was presented based on a literature review and on Blau’s social exchange theory (1964) and Maslow’s theory of needs (1943). The general research hypothesis states that satisfaction with innovative benefits increases intention to stay through time. The data used in this thesis were collected as part of a larger research on the relationships between compensation, training and skills development and attracting and retaining key employees. The longitudinal data come from an office located in Montreal of a major international company from the ICT sector. The study population consists of workers newly hired between April 1st, 2009 and September 30th, 2010. The results confirm the research hypothesis showing that satisfaction with innovative benefits increase intention to stay through time. Among the various innovative benefits studied, the results indicate that it is the satisfaction with the gym at work that best predicts intention to stay of workers. Other innovative benefits significantly related to intention to stay are the games library, the lounge, the medical clinic and the library in the workplace. Also, longitudinal analyses reveal that it is mainly the differences between the individual characteristics of the employees who best explain intention to stay than the differences across time of the same worker. This thesis concludes by discussing the best way for industrial relations managers to use the results in order to retain their employees. Then, the limits of the study and some directions for further research are also presented.

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The social dimension of the internal market or of the EU more generally has recently been under quite fundamental attack. Calls for 'Europe' to be 'more social' have been heard repeatedly. Witness the polarized debates about the services directive, the anxieties concerning several ECJ cases about what limitations of the free movement of workers (posted or not) are justified or the assertion of a 'neo-liberal agenda' in Brussels disregarding or eroding the social dimension. This BEEP Briefing paper takes an analytical approach to these issues and to the possible 'framing' involved. Such an analysis reveals a very different picture than the negative framing in such debates has it: there is nothing particular 'a-social' about the internal market or the EU at large. This overall conclusion is reached following five steps. First, several 'preliminaries' of the social dimension have to be kept in mind (including the two-tier regulatory & expenditure structure of what is too loosely called 'social Europe' ) and this is only too rarely done or at best in partial, hence misleading, ways. Second, the social acquis at EU and Member States' levels is spelled out, broken down into four aspects (social spending; labour market regulation; industrial relations; free movements & establishment). Assessing the EU acquis in the light of the two levels of powers shows clearly that it is the combination of the two levels which matters. Member States and e.g. labour unions do not want the EU level to become deeply involved ( with some exceptions) and the actual impact of free movement and establishment is throttled by far-reaching host-country control and the requirement of a 'high level of social protection' in the treaty. Third, six anxieties about the social dimension of the internal market are discussed and few arguments are found which are attributable to the EU or its weakening social dimension. Fourth, another six anxieties are discussed emerging from the socio-economic context of the social dimension of the EU at large. The analysis demonstrates that, even if these anxieties ought to be taken serious, the EU is hardly or not the culprit. Fifth, all this is complemented by a number of other facts or arguments strengthening the case that the EU social dimension is fine.