Queens Bet Din Gittin / Rabbi Faber Records. 1947-1994 (bulk 1974-1992)

This is a collection of the records of Rabbi Salamon Faber, Chair of the Queens Bet Din or Rabbinic Court, concerning the gittin (plural of get, Jewish religious divorces) that the Queens Bet Din granted between 1947 and 1992. These records include Rabbi’s Faber’s personal notes about the gittin, correspondence with the husband and wife and with any other concerned parties, copies of civil and religious marriage and divorce documents, divorce contracts signed by the husband, and copies of conversion certificates.

Portrait of Benjamin Liebermann

This large ambitious painting is one of Liebermann's earliest. His uncle, the Geheime Kommerzienrat (Privy Councillor) Benjamin Liebermann (1847-1935), is elderly and slim, but erect and proudly wearing his honorary business medals, has his left hand on his hip, while his right hand rests on the back of a red velvet chair. He is wearing long sideburns and whiskers. The background is plain. The style is tight and painstaking, but already exhibits Liebermann's preference for visible, impasto brushstrokes. The emphasis is on the face, with no attempt at idealization of the akward, but strong features. The colors are mainly black and brown.

Portrait of Heinrich Stahl (1868-1942 ).

H.Stahl was the last president of the Jewish Community in Berlin. He is seated in a chair with wooden arm supports. He seems a small man, an impression emphasized by a large expanse of plain, tan background. The facial expression is tense, with deeply furrowed brows.

Schoolman family papers, undated, 1889-1994

The Schoolman Papers reflect Dr. Albert P. and Mrs. Bertha Schoolmans' staunch dedication to Jewish education, Jewish causes, and Israel. Bertha Schoolman, a lifelong member of Hadassah, assisted thousands of Israeli youth as chairman of the Youth Aliyah Committee. Her diaries, photos, scrapbooks, and correspondence record her numerous visits to Israel on which she helped set up schools, met with Israeli dignitaries, and participated in Zionist Conferences and events. The collection includes a 1936 letter from Hadassah founder, Henrietta Szold, praising Mrs. Schoolman's work as well as a letter from the father of Anne Frank, thanking Mrs. Schoolman for naming a Youth Aliyah center the "Anne Frank Haven" after his later daughter.

Moenchengladbach; Jewish Community Collection 1933-1937

Report on the Jewish community in Moenchengladbach (1933-1937); letter to Walter Froehlich confirming his election to chair the Jewish community in Moenchengladbach (1936); membership card for the "Juedische Kulturbund, Moenchengladbach).

Crystal and molecular structure of 15-bromolongibornane-8,9-dione

The crystal and molecular structure of the title compound (1) has been determined by the heavy-atom method from 1038 observed three-dimensional photographic data. Crystals are orthorhombic, with a = 20.07 ± 0.02, b= 10.05 ± 0.02, c= 7.31 ± 0.01 Å, space group P212121, with Z= 4. The structure was refined by block diagonal leastsquares to R 0.099. The conformation of the norbornane moiety is discussed. The seven-membered ring portion of the molecule adopts an approximate chair conformation. The packing of the molecules in the crystal is mainly a consequence of van der Waals interactions.

Greenwashing the Trans-Pacific Partnership: Fossil fuels, the environment, and climate change

There has been much controversy over the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) – a plurilateral trade agreement involving a dozen nations from throughout the Pacific Rim – and its impact upon the environment, biodiversity, and climate change. The secretive treaty negotiations involve Australia and New Zealand; countries from South East Asia such as Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia, Singapore, Vietnam, and Japan; the South American nations of Peru and Chile; and the members of the 1994 North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), Canada, Mexico and the United States. There was an agreement reached between the parties in October 2015. The participants asserted: ‘We expect this historic agreement to promote economic growth, support higher-paying jobs; enhance innovation, productivity and competitiveness; raise living standards; reduce poverty in our countries; and to promote transparency, good governance, and strong labor and environmental protections.’ The final texts of the agreement were published in November 2015. There has been discussion as to whether other countries – such as Indonesia, the Philippines, and South Korea – will join the deal. There has been much debate about the impact of this proposed treaty upon intellectual property, the environment, biodiversity and climate change. There have been similar concerns about the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) – a proposed trade agreement between the United States and the European Union. In 2011, the United States Trade Representative developed a Green Paper on trade, conservation, and the environment in the context of the TPP. In its rhetoric, the United States Trade Representative has maintained that it has been pushing for strong, enforceable environmental standards in the TPP. In a key statement in 2014, the United States Trade Representative Mike Froman insisted: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative maintained: ‘Our proposals in the TPP are centered around the enforcement of environmental laws, including those implementing multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) in TPP partner countries, and also around trailblazing, first-ever conservation proposals that will raise standards across the region’. Moreover, the United States Trade Representative asserted: ‘Furthermore, our proposals would enhance international cooperation and create new opportunities for public participation in environmental governance and enforcement.’ The United States Trade Representative has provided this public outline of the Environment Chapter of the TPP: A meaningful outcome on environment will ensure that the agreement appropriately addresses important trade and environment challenges and enhances the mutual supportiveness of trade and environment. The Trans-Pacific Partnership countries share the view that the environment text should include effective provisions on trade-related issues that would help to reinforce environmental protection and are discussing an effective institutional arrangement to oversee implementation and a specific cooperation framework for addressing capacity building needs. They also are discussing proposals on new issues, such as marine fisheries and other conservation issues, biodiversity, invasive alien species, climate change, and environmental goods and services. Mark Linscott, an assistant Trade Representative testified: ‘An environment chapter in the TPP should strengthen country commitments to enforce their environmental laws and regulations, including in areas related to ocean and fisheries governance, through the effective enforcement obligation subject to dispute settlement.’ Inside US Trade has commented: ‘While not initially expected to be among the most difficult areas, the environment chapter has emerged as a formidable challenge, partly due to disagreement over the United States proposal to make environmental obligations binding under the TPP dispute settlement mechanism’. Joshua Meltzer from the Brookings Institute contended that the trade agreement could be a boon for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim: Whether it is depleting fisheries, declining biodiversity or reduced space in the atmosphere for Greenhouse Gas emissions, the underlying issue is resource scarcity. And in a world where an additional 3 billion people are expected to enter the middle class over the next 15 years, countries need to find new and creative ways to cooperate in order to satisfy the legitimate needs of their population for growth and opportunity while using resources in a manner that is sustainable for current and future generations. The TPP parties already represent a diverse range of developed and developing countries. Should the TPP become a free trade agreement of the Asia-Pacific region, it will include the main developed and developing countries and will be a strong basis for building a global consensus on these trade and environmental issues. The TPP has been promoted by its proponents as a boon to the environment. The United States Trade Representative has maintained that the TPP will protect the environment: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the TPP negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative discussed ‘Trade for a Greener World’ on World Environment Day. Andrew Robb, at the time the Australian Trade and Investment Minister, vowed that the TPP will contain safeguards for the protection of the environment. In November 2015, after the release of the TPP text, Rohan Patel, the Special Assistant to the President and Deputy Director of Intergovernmental Affairs, sought to defend the environmental credentials of the TPP. He contended that the deal had been supported by the Nature Conservancy, the International Fund for Animal Welfare, the Joint Ocean Commission Initiative, the World Wildlife Fund, and World Animal Protection. The United States Congress, though, has been conflicted by the United States Trade Representative’s arguments about the TPP and the environment. In 2012, members of the United States Congress - including Senator Ron Wyden (D-OR), Olympia Snowe (R-ME), and John Kerry (D-MA) – wrote a letter, arguing that the trade agreement needs to provide strong protection for the environment: ‘We believe that a '21st century agreement' must have an environment chapter that guarantees ongoing sustainable trade and creates jobs, and this is what American businesses and consumers want and expect also.’ The group stressed that ‘A binding and enforceable TPP environment chapter that stands up for American interests is critical to our support of the TPP’. The Congressional leaders maintained: ‘We believe the 2007 bipartisan congressional consensus on environmental provisions included in recent trade agreements should serve as the framework for the environment chapter of the TPP.’ In 2013, senior members of the Democratic leadership expressed their opposition to granting President Barack Obama a fast-track authority in respect of the TPP House of Representatives Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi said: ‘No on fast-track – Camp-Baucus – out of the question.’ Senator Majority leader Harry Reid commented: ‘I’m against Fast-Track: Everyone would be well-advised to push this right now.’ Senator Elizabeth Warren has been particularly critical of the process and the substance of the negotiations in the TPP: From what I hear, Wall Street, pharmaceuticals, telecom, big polluters and outsourcers are all salivating at the chance to rig the deal in the upcoming trade talks. So the question is, Why are the trade talks secret? You’ll love this answer. Boy, the things you learn on Capitol Hill. I actually have had supporters of the deal say to me ‘They have to be secret, because if the American people knew what was actually in them, they would be opposed. Think about that. Real people, people whose jobs are at stake, small-business owners who don’t want to compete with overseas companies that dump their waste in rivers and hire workers for a dollar a day—those people, people without an army of lobbyists—they would be opposed. I believe if people across this country would be opposed to a particular trade agreement, then maybe that trade agreement should not happen. The Finance Committee in the United States Congress deliberated over the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations in 2014. The new chair Ron Wyden has argued that there needs to be greater transparency in trade. Nonetheless, he has mooted the possibility of a ‘smart-track’ to reconcile the competing demands of the Obama Administration, and United States Congress. Wyden insisted: ‘The new breed of trade challenges spawned over the last generation must be addressed in imaginative new policies and locked into enforceable, ambitious, job-generating trade agreements.’ He emphasized that such agreements ‘must reflect the need for a free and open Internet, strong labor rights and environmental protections.’ Elder Democrat Sander Levin warned that the TPP failed to provide proper protection for the environment: The TPP parties are considering a different structure to protect the environment than the one adopted in the May 10 Agreement, which directly incorporated seven multilateral environmental agreements into the text of past trade agreements. While the form is less important than the substance, the TPP must provide an overall level of environmental protection that upholds and builds upon the May 10 standard, including fully enforceable obligations. But many of our trading partners are actively seeking to weaken the text to the point of falling short of that standard, including on key issues like conservation. Nonetheless, 2015, President Barack Obama was able to secure the overall support of the United States Congress for his ‘fast-track’ authority. This was made possible by the Republicans and dissident Democrats. Notably, Oregon Senator Ron Wyden switched sides, and was transformed from a critic of the TPP to an apologist for the TPP. For their part, green political parties and civil society organisations have been concerned about the secretive nature of the negotiations; and the substantive implications of the treaty for the environment. Environmental groups and climate advocates have been sceptical of the environmental claims made by the White House for the TPP. The Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand, the Australian Greens and the Green Party of Canada have released a joint declaration on the TPP observing: ‘More than just another trade agreement, the TPP provisions could hinder access to safe, affordable medicines, weaken local content rules for media, stifle high-tech innovation, and even restrict the ability of future governments to legislate for the good of public health and the environment’. In the United States, civil society groups such as the Sierra Club, Public Citizen, WWF, the Friends of the Earth, the Rainforest Action Network and 350.org have raised concerns about the TPP and the environment. Allison Chin, President of the Sierra Club, complained about the lack of transparency, due process, and public participation in the TPP talks: ‘This is a stealth affront to the principles of our democracy.’ Maude Barlow’s The Council of Canadians has also been concerned about the TPP and environmental justice. New Zealand Sustainability Council executive director Simon Terry said the agreement showed ‘minimal real gains for nature’. A number of organisations have joined a grand coalition of civil society organisations, which are opposed to the grant of a fast-track. On the 15th January 2013, WikiLeaks released the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP - along with a report by the Chairs of the Environmental Working Group. Julian Assange, WikiLeaks' publisher, stated: ‘Today's WikiLeaks release shows that the public sweetener in the TPP is just media sugar water.’ He observed: ‘The fabled TPP environmental chapter turns out to be a toothless public relations exercise with no enforcement mechanism.’ This article provides a critical examination of the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP. The overall argument of the article is that the Environment Chapter of the TPP is an exercise in greenwashing – it is a public relations exercise by the United States Trade Representative, rather than a substantive regime for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim. Greenwashing has long been a problem in commerce, in which companies making misleading and deceptive claims about the environment. In his 2012 book, Greenwash: Big Brands and Carbon Scams, Guy Pearse considers the rise of green marketing and greenwashing. Government greenwashing is also a significant issue. In his book Storms of My Grandchildren, the climate scientist James Hansen raises his concerns about government greenwashing. Such a problem is apparent with the TPP – in which there was a gap between the assertions of the United States Government, and the reality of the agreement. This article contends that the TPP fails to meet the expectations created by President Barack Obama, the White House, and the United States Trade Representative about the environmental value of the agreement. First, this piece considers the relationship of the TPP to multilateral environmental treaties. Second, it explores whether the provisions in respect of the environment are enforceable. Third, this article examines the treatment of trade and biodiversity in the TPP. Fourth, this study considers the question of marine capture fisheries. Fifth, there is an evaluation of the cursory text in the TPP on conservation. Sixth, the article considers trade in environmental services under the TPP. Seventh, this article highlights the tensions between the TPP and substantive international climate action. It is submitted that the TPP undermines effective and meaningful government action and regulation in respect of climate change. The conclusion also highlights that a number of other chapters of the TPP will impact upon the protection of the environment – including the Investment Chapter, the Intellectual Property Chapter, the Technical Barriers to Trade Chapter, and the text on public procurement.

Shari'ah supervision, corporate governance and performance: Conventional vs. Islamic banks

The performance and accountability of boards of directors and effectiveness of governance mechanisms continue to be a matter of concern. Focusing on differences between conventional banks and Islamic banks, we examine the effect of (i) Shari-ah supervision boards, (ii) board structure and (iii) CEO-power on performance during the period 2005-2011. We find Shari'ah supervision boards positively impact on Islamic banks' performance when they perform a supervisory role, but the impact is negligible when they have only an advisory role. The effect of board structure (Board size and board independence) and CEO power (CEO-chair duality and internally recruited CEO) on the performance of Islamic banks is overall negative. Our findings provide support for the positive contribution of Shari'ah supervision boards overall negative. Our findings provide support for the positive contribution of Shari'ah supervision boards overall negative. Our findings provide support for the positive contribution of Shari'ah supervision boards but also emphasize the need for enforcement and regulatory mechanism for them to be more effective.

EU Multi-level Governance in the Making - The Community Initiative LEADER+ in Finland and Germany

In order to fully understand the process of European integration it is of paramount importance to consider developments at the sub-national and local level. EU integration scholars shifted their attention to the local level only at the beginning of the 1990s with the concept of multi-level governance (MLG). While MLG is the first concept to scrutinise the position of local levels of public administration and other actors within the EU polity, I perceive it as too optimistic in the degree of influence it ascribes to local levels. Thus, learning from and combining MLG with other concepts, such as structural constructivism, helps to reveal some of the hidden aspects of EU integration and paint a more realistic picture of multi-level interaction. This thesis also answers the call for more case studies in order to conceptualise MLG further. After a critical study of theories and concepts of European integration, above all, MLG, I will analyse sub-national and local government in Finland and Germany. I show how the sub-national level and local governments are embedded in the EU s multi-level structure of governance and how, through EU integration, those levels have been empowered but also how their scope of action has partially decreased. After theoretical and institutional contextualisation, I present the results of my empirical study of the EU s Community Initiative LEADER+. LEADER stands for Liaison Entre Actions de Développement de l'Économie Rurale , and aims at improving the economic conditions in Europe s rural areas. I was interested in how different actors construct and shape EU financed rural development, especially in how local actors organised in so-called local action groups (LAGs) cooperate with other administrative units within the LEADER+ administrative chain. I also examined intra-institutional relations within those groups, in order to find out who are the most influential and powerful actors within them. Empirical data on the Finnish and German LAGs was first gathered through a survey, which was then supplemented and completed by interviewing LAG members, LAG-managers, several civil servants from Finnish and German decision-making and managing authorities and a civil servant from the EU Commission. My main argument is that in both Germany and Finland, the Community Initiative LEADER+ offered a space for multi-level interaction and local-level involvement, a space that on the one hand consists of highly motivated people actively contributing to the improvement of the quality of life and economy in Europe s countryside but which is dependent and also restricted by national administrative practices, implementation approaches and cultures on the other. In Finland, the principle of tri-partition (kolmikantaperiaatte) in organising the executive committees of LAGs is very noticeable. In comparison to Germany, for instance, the representation of public administration in those committees is much more limited due to this principle. Furthermore, the mobilisation of local residents and the bringing together of actors from the local area with different social and institutional backgrounds to become an active part of LEADER+ was more successful in Finland than in Germany. Tri-partition as applied in Finland should serve as a model for similar policies in other EU member states. EU integration changed the formal and informal inter-institutional relations linking the different levels of government. The third sector including non-governmental institutions and interest groups gained access to policy-making processes and increasingly interact with government institutions at all levels of public administration. These developments do not necessarily result in the empowering of the local level.

Conformationally Restricted Nucleocyclitols: a Study into their Conformational Preferences and Supramolecular Architecture in the Solid State

With the intent of probing the feasibility of employing annulation as a tactic to engender axial rich conformations in nucleoside analogues, two adenine-derived, ``conformationally restricted'' nucleocylitols, 9 and 10, have been conceptualized as representatives of a hitherto unexplored class of nucleic acid base-cyclitol hybrids. A general synthetic strategy, with an inherent scope for diversification, allowed rapid functionalization of indane and tetralin to furnish 9 and 10 respectively in fair yield. Single-crystal X-ray diffraction analysis revealed that the two nucleocyclitols under study, though homologous, present completely dissimilar modes of molecular packing, marked, in particular, by the nature of involvement of the adenynyl NH2 group in the supramolecular assembly. In addition, the crystal structures of 9 and 10 also exhibit two different conformations of the functionalized cyclohexane ring. Thus, while the six-membered carbocycle in cyclopenta-annulated 9 exists in the expected chair (C) conformation that in cyclohexaannulated 10, which crystallizes as a dihydrate, shows an unusual twist-boat (TB) conformation. From a close analysis of the (HNMR)-H-1 spectroscopic data recorded for 9 and 10 in CD3OD, it was possible to put forth a putative explanation for the uncanny conformational preferences of crystalline 9 and 10.

Structural studies of analgesics and their interactions. Part 4. Crystal structures of phenylbutazone and a 2 : 1 complex between phenylbutazone and piperazine

The X-ray crystal structures of 4-butyl-1,2-diphenylpyrazolidine-3,5-dione (phenylbutazone)(I). and its 2 : 1 complex (II) with piperazine have been determined by direct methods and the structures refined to R 0.096 (2 300 observed reflections measured by diffractometer) and 0.074 (2 494 observed reflections visuallyestimated). Crystals are monoclinic, space group P21/c; for (I)a= 21.695(4), b= 5.823(2), c= 27.881(4)Å, = 108.06 (10)°, Z= 8, and for (II)a= 8.048(4), b= 15.081(4), c= 15.583(7)Å, = 95.9(3)°, Z= 2. The two crystallographically independant molecules in the structure of (I) are similar except for the conformation of the butyl group, which is disordered in one of the molecules. In the pyrazolidinedione group, the two C–C bonds are single and the two C–O bonds double. The two nitrogen atoms in the five-membered ring are pyramidal with the attached phenyl groups lying on the opposite sides of the mean plane of the ring. The phenylbutazone molecule in (II) exists as a negative ion owing to deprotonation of C-4. C-4 is therefore trigonal and the orientation of the Bu group with respect to the pyrazolidinedione group is considerably different from that in (I); there is also considerable electron delocalization along the C–O and C–C bonds. These changes in geometry and electronic structure may relate to biological activity. The doubly charged cationic piperazine molecule exists in the chair form with the nitrogen atoms at the apices. The crystal structure of (II) is stabilized by ionic interactions and N–H O hydrogen bonds.

Can current force fields reproduce ring puckering in 2-O-sulfo-α-l-iduronic acid? A molecular dynamics simulation study

The monosaccharide 2-O-sulfo-α-l-iduronic acid (IdoA2S) is one of the major components of glycosaminoglycans. The ability of molecular mechanics force fields to reproduce ring-puckering conformational equilibrium is important for the successful prediction of the free energies of interaction of these carbohydrates with proteins. Here we report unconstrained molecular dynamics simulations of IdoA2S monosaccharide that were carried out to investigate the ability of commonly used force fields to reproduce its ring conformational flexibility in aqueous solution. In particular, the distribution of ring conformer populations of IdoA2S was determined. The GROMOS96 force field with the SPC/E water potential can predict successfully the dominant skew-boat to chair conformational transition of the IdoA2S monosaccharide in aqueous solution. On the other hand, the GLYCAM06 force field with the TIP3P water potential sampled transitional conformations between the boat and chair forms. Simulations using the GROMOS96 force field showed no pseudorotational equilibrium fluctuations and hence no inter-conversion between the boat and twist boat ring conformers. Calculations of theoretical proton NMR coupling constants showed that the GROMOS96 force field can predict the skew-boat to chair conformational ratio in good agreement with the experiment, whereas GLYCAM06 shows worse agreement. The omega rotamer distribution about the C5–C6 bond was predicted by both force fields to have torsions around 10°, 190°, and 360°.

Crystal structures and thermal analyses of alkyl 2-deoxy-alpha-D-arabino-hexopyranosides

The crystal structures of alkyl 2-deoxy-alpha-D-arabino-hexopyranosides, with the alkyl chain lengths from C-8 to C-18, are established by the single crystal X-ray structural determination. The even-alkyl chain length derivatives crystallized orthorhombic, with space group P2(1)2(1)2(1), whereas the odd-alkyl chain length derivatives crystallized monoclinic, with space group P2(1). The sugar moieties retained a C-4(1) chair conformation and the conformation of the alkyl chains was all-trans. The molecules formed a bilayer structure, in which alkyl chains were interdigitated.The hydrogen bonds, originating from the sugar moieties, were observed in adjacent layers and also within the same layer, resulting in the formation of infinite chains. The alkyl chains arranged parallel to each other and formed planar structures. The thermal properties of the alkyl 2-deoxy glucosides were analyzed further. It was observed that none of the derivatives exhibited mesomorphism. This study establishes that the absence of the hydroxyl group at C-2 of the sugar moiety results in a non-mesogenic nature of the alkyl 2-deoxy-alpha-D-glycosides, as opposed to the profound mesogenic nature of the normal alkyl glycosides.

Palladium(II) and platinum(II) complexes of beta-functionalized ethyl selenolates: Effect of substitution on synthesis, reactivity, spectroscopy, structures and thermal behavior

Sodium ethylselenolates with functional groups X (where X = -OH, -COOH, -COOMe and -COOEt) at beta-carbon were prepared in situ by reductive cleavage of corresponding diselenide with NaBH4 either in methanol or aqueous ammonia. Treatment of these selenolates with [M2Cl2(mu-Cl)(2)(PR'(3))(2)] (M = Pd or Pt; PR'(3) = PMePh2, PnPr(3)) in different stoichiometry yielded various bi- and tri-nuclear complexes. The homoleptic hexanuclear complexes [Pd(mu-SeCH2CH2X)(2)](6) (X = OH, COOH, COOEt), were obtained by reacting Na2PdCl4 with NaSeCH2CH2X. All these complexes have been fully characterized. Molecular structures of ethylselenolates containing hydroxyl and carboxylic acid groups revealed solid state associated structures through inter-molecular hydrogen bond interactions. Trinuclear complex, [Pd3Cl2(mu-SeCH2CH2COOH)(4)(PnPr(3))(2)] (3a), was disposed in a boat form unlike chair conformation observed for the corresponding methylester complex. The effect of beta-functionality in ethylselenolate ligands towards reactivity, structures and thermal properties of palladium and platinum complexes has been extensively Studied.

2-[2-(Cyclohexylcarbonyl)phenyl]-1-phenylethanone

The title diketone, C21H22O2, features a phenylene ring having benzoylmethyl and cyclohexanoyl substituents ortho to each other. The cyclohexyl ring adopts a chair conformation with the ketonic group occupying an equatorial position; the four-atom -C(O)-C ketonic unit is twisted out of the plane of the phenylene ring by 34.9 (1)degrees.