Interview W.T. "Dub" Massey

In his April 27th, 1981 interview with Phil O’Quinn, W.T. Massey recollects his involvement in the Civil Rights Movement as one of the Friendship 9 protestors and non-violent activists. Massey retells the preparation and events leading up to the sit-in at McCrory’s lunch counter. Massey also shares the negative effects he experienced with his involvement as an activist and leader in the Civil Rights Movement, in particular, his arrest from the McCrory’s sit-in. Massey concludes his interview with advice and hope for the black community. This interview was conducted for inclusion into the Louise Pettus Archives and Special Collections Oral History Program.

The Probe, Issue 189 – June 1998

When Deer Are Too Dear and Elk Are Too Elegant -- Gary W. Witmer, NADCA Regional Director, Southern Rockies Region, Region 2 Understanding Home Range -- Jeff Jackson, Extension Wildlife Specialist, School of Forest Resources, University of Georgia Notes from Nigeria: Wildlife Crop Interactions in Threatened Sahelian Wetland -- Augustine U. Ezealor, Dept. of Biological Sciences, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, Nigeria, and Robert H. Giles, Jr., Dept. of Fisheries and Wildlife Sciences, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, Blacksburg, VA 24061-0321. Two Women Animal Rights Activists Protest Prairie Dog Control Rats on the Rise-Urban Wildlife Control Proves to Be Bonanza for Florida Man Wildlife Up Close and Personal for Suburbanites An ADC Story from the Internet Stray Cats Pose Expensive Problem

Dispositivo para auxílio de levantamento de pessoas portadoras de restrições físicas do leito

Recently technological resources have been used to facilitate the execution of several laboral activists. In this project it will be shown a device, which will help workers in healthy area to develop their activities, decreasing the wear of themselves and making the patient transfer to bed more efficient. Furthermore, this work will show a device project to transfer patients with motor restrictions. The focus of this device is to avoid fatigue and injury of workers, which will help the patient to decrease their discomfort and the risk of injury. In addition, the device will be developed and designed to be easy to use and with reduced fabric cost to facilitate the access of institutions as rest homes and the APAE

O vermelho que violenta a ordem: os comunistas sob o olhar da DOPS no Paraná

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Storie di vita e rivoluzione. Biografie e autobiografie di comunardi (1871-1886)

Nell'ambito di un'indagine sull'identità del rivoluzionario nel XIX secolo, calata tra gli attivisti coinvolti nella Comune di Parigi, si è trattato di selezionare quelle autobiografie scritte e pubblicate da comunardi come parte integrante della loro attività politica, e così porre il problema del rapporto tra pratica autobiografica e rivoluzione, ovvero chiarire le condizioni del passage au récit, la scelta autobiografica e insieme la mise en intrigue tra esperienze individuali e rivoluzione. Questa ricerca si presenta dunque come un lavoro sulle pratiche autobiografiche all'interno delle pratiche di attivismo politico, ovvero più specificamente sulla relazione tra autobiografia e rivoluzione. In altri termini si analizza il modo in cui i rivoluzionari narravano la loro identità in pubblico, perché lo avessero fatto e cosa veicolavo in termini di stili di vita e convinzioni particolari. In quanto rivoluzionari, l'autobiografia diviene fonte e parte di ciò che essi reputavano in quel momento la propria traiettoria rivoluzionaria, la narrazione di quella che in quel momento ritenevano comunicare al pubblico come propria identità narrativa. La ricerca si articola in tre momenti. Nel primo capitolo analizzo le biografie, o meglio un piccolo gruppo tra la massa di biografie di comunardi edite all'indomani della Comune da parte della pubblicistica tanto ostile quanto partigiana della Comune. Queste narrazioni biografiche diffuse nei mesi successivi alla repressione della rivoluzione comunalista consentono di affrontare una delle condizioni fondamentali del passage au récit autobiografico che si manifesterà solo posteriormente. Il secondo e il terzo capitolo sono dedicati a due progetti autobiografici di diversa natura: la trilogia autobiografica di Jules Vallès (1879, 1881, 1886) e le Mémoires di Louise Michel (1886).

Entwicklung eines ökotouristischen Nutzungskonzeptes für den ehemaligen Militärstandort Hjerkinn Skytefelt im Nationalpark Dovrefjell-Sunndalsfjella in Mittel-Norwegen

Der Ökotourismus hat sich in den letzten Jahren zu einer Tourismussparte entwickelt, die nicht nur immer mehr Interessenten unter den Nutzern findet, sondern auch vielfältige Forschungsmöglichkeiten eröffnet.rnAus interdisziplinärer Betrachtungsweise kann man sowohl in den Gebieten der Biologie, der Wirtschaft, der Geographie, aber auch der Politik forschend tätig werden. rnDa der Tourismus in den letzten Jahren eine immer größere Bedeutung gerade für Länder mit weitestgehend intakten Naturressourcen erlangt hat, stellt sich die Frage inwieweit die Wirtschaft eines Landes auf diese Einnahmequelle angewiesen ist und ob nicht die ökologischen Belange immer weiter in den Hintergrund treten.rnAus diesem Ansatz heraus erfolgte zunächst eine qualitative und quantitative Bestandsaufnahme, die ein klares Bild vom derzeitigen Zustand in der Region ermöglicht. Darüber hinaus werden im Rahmen der Untersuchungen Zukunftsperspektiven aufgezeigt. Diese sollen verdeutlichen, inwieweit man steuernd in solche dynamischen Entwicklungsprozesse eingreifen kann oder soll.rnDie Schwerpunkte dieser Arbeit liegen in dem Bereich der Befragung von Touristen und in der Ausarbeitung eines digitalen Geländemodells zur späteren Nutzung in einem aufzubauenden Nationalpark-Infozentrum. Auf der Grundlage dieser Untersuchungen wurde ein touristisches Nutzungskonzept entwickelt und auf seine ökologischen Umsetzungschancen hin untersucht. Der Aspekt des Ökotourismus wird einleitend erörtert und definiert. Anschließend werden die Potenziale der norwegischen Tourismuswirtschaft untersucht. Die Befragungsergebnisse sowohl der norwegischen Besucher als auch der ausländischen Touristen werden in verschiedenen Korrelationen näher untersucht.rnEin gesonderter Bereich der Untersuchungen gilt dem Problemfeld des Wildcampings in Norwegen. Die dramatischen Entwicklungen der letzten Jahre rufen immer mehr Aktivisten auf den Plan. Da die Deutschen die größte Besuchergruppe darstellen, wurden innerhalb der Jahre 2003 bis 2006 Einzelinterviews geführt, um einen Überblick über das Übernachtungsverhalten der Deutschen in Norwegen gewinnen zu können. In den vergangenen 10 Jahren sind die deutschen Besucherzahlen in Norwegen leicht rückläufig, während die der Niederländer kontinuierlich steigen.rnAuf diesen Ergebnissen basierend wurden problemzentrierte Interviews mit Wohnmobilreisenden, der größten Gruppe der Individualreisenden, durchgeführt. rnMehr als 600.000 Nächte pro Jahr verbrachten die deutschen Wohnmobilreisenden außerhalb der Campingplätze, was ökologische und ökonomische Auswirkungen hat und nicht mehr mit dem in Norwegen geltenden „Allemansrett“, dem Jedermannsrecht, vereinbar ist. rnGerade die Touristen, die mit dem Wohnmobil reisen, können nur schwer mit anderen Reisenden verglichen werden, da sie mit einer völlig anderen Reiseauffassung mehr oder weniger autark unterwegs sind. Dabei legen sie besonders große Distanzen zurück und haben sich zum Ziel gesetzt, möglichst viel in kurzer Zeit zu sehen und zu erleben. Für alle Touristengruppen wurde untersucht, auf welchem Weg die Informationen für die geplante Reise beschafft wurden. Der Reiseführer ist der hauptsächliche Informationslieferant und ist teilweise für das Verhalten der Urlauber mitverantwortlich. Es konnte festgestellt werden, dass das Image des Landes und die Reisemotive das Reiseverhalten und die Wahrnehmung determinieren. Eine Untersuchung der so genannten Pull- und Push-Faktoren ergab, dass die nahezu noch unberührte Natur, die raue Landschaft sowie Ruhe und Erholung die entscheidenden Pull-Faktoren für Norwegenreisende sind. Dabei überprägt das Image Norwegens als „wildes Naturland“ die Wahrnehmung für verschiedene Problembereiche, die in Norwegen, wie auch in vielen anderen Ländern Europas, durchaus vorhanden sind. rnProblemfelder, wie Landschaftsausbeutung, Wildcamping, reduziertes Konsumverhalten und damit einhergehende rückläufige Besucherzahlen, können aber durch innovative Tourismuskonzepte und neue Reiseformen abgebaut werden. Hierbei sind Medien, wie Reiseführer, Internet und Reisemagazine, in die Pflicht zu nehmen.

Tra pacifismo e ambientalismo: il Nuclear Freeze Movement e la risposta dell'amministrazione Reagan

Negli anni Ottanta si assiste tanto nel vecchio quanto nel nuovo continente alla rinascita del movimento antinucleare. Mentre in Europa l’origine di questa ondata di proteste antinucleari è collegata alla “doppia decisione” NATO del 1979, negli Stati Uniti la genesi si colloca nel contesto dalla mobilitazione dei gruppi ambientalisti in seguito all’incidente alla centrale nucleare di Three Mile Island. Dopo l’elezione di Ronald Reagan, alle proteste contro le applicazioni pacifiche dell’atomo si affiancarono quelle contro la politica nucleare del Paese. La retorica di Reagan, il massiccio piano di riarmo, unitamente al rinnovato deteriorarsi delle relazioni tra USA e URSS contribuirono a diffondere nell’opinione pubblica la sensazione che l’amministrazione Reagan, almeno da un punto di vista teorico, non avesse escluso dalle sue opzioni il ricorso alle armi nucleari nel caso di un confronto con l’URSS. I timori legati a questa percezione produssero una nuova ondata di proteste che assunsero dimensioni di massa grazie alla mobilitazione provocata dalla Nuclear Weapons Freeze Campaign (NWFC). Il target della NWFC era l’ampio programma di riarmo nucleare sostenuto da Reagan, che secondo gli attivisti nucleari, in un quadro di crescenti tensioni internazionali, avrebbe fatto aumentare le possibilità di uno scontro atomico. Per evitare lo scenario dell’olocausto nucleare, la NWFC proponeva «un congelamento bilaterale e verificabile del collaudo, dell’installazione e della produzione di armi nucleari». L’idea del nuclear freeze, che era concepito come un passo per fermare la spirale del riarmo e tentare successivamente di negoziare riduzioni negli arsenali delle due superpotenze, riscosse un tale consenso nell’opinione pubblica americana da indurre l’amministrazione Reagan a formulare una risposta specifica. Durante la primavera del 1982 fu, infatti, creato un gruppo interdipartimentale ad hoc, l’Arms Control Information Policy Group, con il compito di arginare l’influenza della NWFC sull’opinione pubblica americana e formulare una risposta coerente alle critiche del movimento antinucleare.

In campo. Il ruolo pubblico dell'antropologia

La tesi riflette sulla necessità di un ripensamento delle scienze antropologiche nel senso di un loro uso pubblico e del loro riconoscimento al di fuori dell’accademia. Viene introdotto il dibattito sulla dimensione applicata dell’antropologia a partire dalle posizioni in campo nel panorama internazionale. Negli Stati Uniti la riflessione si sviluppa dalla proposta della public anthropology, l’antropologo pubblico si discosta dalla tradizionale figura europea di intellettuale pubblico. Alla luce delle varie posizioni in merito, la questione dell’applicazione è esaminata dal punto di vista etico, metodologico ed epistemologico. Inizialmente vengono prese in considerazione le diverse metodologie elaborate dalla tradizione dell’applied anthropology a partire dalle prime proposte risalenti al secondo dopoguerra. Successivamente viene trattata la questione del rapporto tra antropologia, potere coloniale e forze armate, fino al recente caso degli antropologi embedded nello Human Terrain System. Come contraltare vengono presentate le diverse forme di engagement antropologico che vedono ricercatori assumere diversi ruoli fino a casi estremi che li vedono divenire attivisti delle cause degli interlocutori. La questione del ruolo giocato dal ricercatore, e di quello che gli viene attribuito sul campo, viene approfondita attraverso la categoria di implication elaborata in contesto francese. Attraverso alcune esperienze di campo vengono presentate forme di intervento concreto nel panorama italiano che vogliono mettere in luce l’azione dell’antropologo nella società. Infine viene affrontato il dibattito, in corso in Italia, alla luce della crisi che sta vivendo la disciplina e del lavoro per la costituzione dell’associazione nazionale di antropologia professionale.

A Blueprint for Buddhist Revolution: The Radical Buddhism of Seno’o Girō (1889–1961) and the Youth League for Revitalizing Buddhism

In the early decades of the twentieth century, as Japanese society became engulfed in war and increasing nationalism, the majority of Buddhist leaders and institutions capitulated to the status quo. One notable exception to this trend, however, was the Shinkō Bukkyō Seinen Dōmei (Youth League for Revitalizing Buddhism), founded on 5 April 1931. Led by Nichiren Buddhist layman Seno’o Girō and made up of young social activists who were critical of capitalism, internationalist in outlook, and committed to a pan-sectarian and humanist form of Buddhism that would work for social justice and world peace, the league’s motto was “carry the Buddha on your backs and go out into the streets and villages.” This article analyzes the views of the Youth League for Revitalizing Buddhism as found in the religious writings of Seno’o Girō to situate the movement in its social and philosophical context, and to raise the question of the prospects of “radical Buddhism” in twenty-first century Japan and elsewhere.

The Dynamics of the Policies of Ethnic Cleansing in Silesia in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries

Through studying German, Polish and Czech publications on Silesia, Mr. Kamusella found that most of them, instead of trying to objectively analyse the past, are devoted to proving some essential "Germanness", "Polishness" or "Czechness" of this region. He believes that the terminology and thought-patterns of nationalist ideology are so deeply entrenched in the minds of researchers that they do not consider themselves nationalist. However, he notes that, due to the spread of the results of the latest studies on ethnicity/nationalism (by Gellner, Hobsbawm, Smith, Erikson Buillig, amongst others), German publications on Silesia have become quite objective since the 1980s, and the same process (impeded by under funding) has been taking place in Poland and the Czech Republic since 1989. His own research totals some 500 pages, in English, presented on disc. So what are the traps into which historians have been inclined to fall? There is a tendency for them to treat Silesia as an entity which has existed forever, though Mr. Kamusella points out that it emerged as a region only at the beginning of the 11th century. These same historians speak of Poles, Czechs and Germans in Silesia, though Mr. Kamusella found that before the mid-19th century, identification was with an inhabitant's local area, religion or dynasty. In fact, a German national identity started to be forged in Prussian Silesia only during the Liberation War against Napoleon (1813-1815). It was concretised in 1861 in the form of the first Prussian census, when the language a citizen spoke was equated with his/her nationality. A similar census was carried out in Austrian Silesia only in 1881. The censuses forced the Silesians to choose their nationality despite their multiethnic multicultural identities. It was the active promotion of a German identity in Prussian Silesia, and Vienna's uneasy acceptance of the national identities in Austrian Silesia which stimulated the development of Polish national, Moravian ethnic and Upper Silesian ethnic regional identities in Upper Silesia, and Polish national, Czech national, Moravian ethnic and Silesian ethnic identities in Austrian Silesia. While traditional historians speak of the "nationalist struggle" as though it were a permanent characteristic of Silesia, Mr. Kamusella points out that such a struggle only developed in earnest after 1918. What is more, he shows how it has been conveniently forgotten that, besides the national players, there were also significant ethnic movements of Moravians, Upper Silesians, Silesians and the tutejsi (i.e. those who still chose to identify with their locality). At this point Mr. Kamusella moves into the area of linguistics. While traditionally historians have spoken of the conflicts between the three national languages (German, Polish and Czech), Mr Kamusella reminds us that the standardised forms of these languages, which we choose to dub "national", were developed only in the mid-18th century, after 1869 (when Polish became the official language in Galicia), and after the 1870s (when Czech became the official language in Bohemia). As for standard German, it was only widely promoted in Silesia from the mid 19th century onwards. In fact, the majority of the population of Prussian Upper Silesia and Austrian Silesia were bi- or even multilingual. What is more, the "Polish" and "Czech" Silesians spoke were not the standard languages we know today, but a continuum of West-Slavic dialects in the countryside and a continuum of West-Slavic/German creoles in the urbanised areas. Such was the linguistic confusion that, from time to time, some ethnic/regional and Church activists strove to create a distinctive Upper Silesian/Silesian language on the basis of these dialects/creoles, but their efforts were thwarted by the staunch promotion of standard German, and after 1918, of standard Polish and Czech. Still on the subject of language, Mr. Kamusella draws attention to a problem around the issue of place names and personal names. Polish historians use current Polish versions of the Silesian place names, Czechs use current Polish/Czech versions of the place names, and Germans use the German versions which were in use in Silesia up to 1945. Mr. Kamusella attempted to avoid this, as he sees it, nationalist tendency, by using an appropriate version of a place name for a given period and providing its modern counterpart in parentheses. In the case of modern place names he gives the German version in parentheses. As for the name of historical figures, he strove to use the name entered on the birth certificate of the person involved, and by doing so avoid such confusion as, for instance, surrounds the Austrian Silesian pastor L.J. Sherschnik, who in German became Scherschnick, in Polish, Szersznik, and in Czech, Sersnik. Indeed, the prospective Silesian scholar should, Mr. Kamusella suggests, as well as the three languages directly involved in the area itself, know English and French, since many documents and books on the subject have been published in these languages, and even Latin, when dealing in depth with the period before the mid-19th century. Mr. Kamusella divides the policies of ethnic cleansing into two categories. The first he classifies as soft, meaning that policy is confined to the educational system, army, civil service and the church, and the aim is that everyone learn the language of the dominant group. The second is the group of hard policies, which amount to what is popularly labelled as ethnic cleansing. This category of policy aims at the total assimilation and/or physical liquidation of the non-dominant groups non-congruent with the ideal of homogeneity of a given nation-state. Mr. Kamusella found that soft policies were consciously and systematically employed by Prussia/Germany in Prussian Silesia from the 1860s to 1918, whereas in Austrian Silesia, Vienna quite inconsistently dabbled in them from the 1880s to 1917. In the inter-war period, the emergence of the nation-states of Poland and Czechoslovakia led to full employment of the soft policies and partial employment of the hard ones (curbed by the League of Nations minorities protection system) in Czechoslovakian Silesia, German Upper Silesia and the Polish parts of Upper and Austrian Silesia. In 1939-1945, Berlin started consistently using all the "hard" methods to homogenise Polish and Czechoslovakian Silesia which fell, in their entirety, within the Reich's borders. After World War II Czechoslovakia regained its prewar part of Silesia while Poland was given its prewar section plus almost the whole of the prewar German province. Subsequently, with the active involvement and support of the Soviet Union, Warsaw and Prague expelled the majority of Germans from Silesia in 1945-1948 (there were also instances of the Poles expelling Upper Silesian Czechs/Moravians, and of the Czechs expelling Czech Silesian Poles/pro-Polish Silesians). During the period of communist rule, the same two countries carried out a thorough Polonisation and Czechisation of Silesia, submerging this region into a new, non-historically based administrative division. Democratisation in the wake of the fall of communism, and a gradual retreat from the nationalist ideal of the homogeneous nation-state with a view to possible membership of the European Union, caused the abolition of the "hard" policies and phasing out of the "soft" ones. Consequently, limited revivals of various ethnic/national minorities have been observed in Czech and Polish Silesia, whereas Silesian regionalism has become popular in the westernmost part of Silesia which remained part of Germany. Mr. Kamusella believes it is possible that, with the overcoming of the nation-state discourse in European politics, when the expression of multiethnicity and multilingualism has become the cause of the day in Silesia, regionalism will hold sway in this region, uniting its ethnically/nationally variegated population in accordance with the principle of subsidiarity championed by the European Union.

The Copper Country Strike of 1913-1914 in Finnish Newspapers

The purpose of this study is to take a closer look at media response in Finland concerning the 1913-14 Michigan Copper Strike and depict how the strike was presented in the Old Country and its main newspapers. I shall take a closer look at the 1913-14 issues of Työmies (social democrat), Helsingin Sanomat (liberal), and Uusi Suometar (conservative) for ideological views of the strike. Furthermore, and in terms of close reading and cross-referencing, how did these newspapers in Finland see the strike and the strike’s outcome? Editorial notes and letters from the public shall both be included. Special attention will be given to the notions of transnational solidarity between Finnish-American and Finnish labor activists.

'Työmies?': Finnish Canadians in the Economy: A Historiographic Overview

Finnish immigrants are often seen as labor activists, even “radicals,” and key players in the “left-right” political divide, thus indicating a real presence on the “other” side of the economy. How did successive historians build these now-standard views? This paper takes a sweeping tour of writing on Finnish Canadian workers, tracing the evolution of these assessments. Archives and histories provided basic notions of “the” Finnish Canadian and were key sources as professional scholars – many Finns themselves – began their work. In Canada, new academics – Varpu Lindstrom most prominently – wrote about women, arts and culture, intellectual activity, and the impact of Finns as “exceptional” historical actors in socioeconomic terms. But, have historians of Finnish Canadian workers built a convincing case? Examination of Finnish Canadian “economic” historiography offers insights into the Finnish Canadian “story,” and the nature of generalization in immigrant and ethnic history.

Open Source und Kartellrecht

„Open source and European antitrust laws: An analysis of copyleft and the prohibition of software license fees on the basis of art. 101 TFEU and the block exemptions“ Open source software and open source licenses (like the GNU GPL) are not only relevant for computer nerds or activists – they are already business. They are for example the fundament of LINUX, the only real rival of MICROSOFT’s WINDOWS-line in the field of operating systems for IBM PC compatibles. Art. 101 TFEU (like the identical predecessor art. 81 TEC) as part of the EU antitrust laws prohibits contract terms like price fixing and some forms of technology control. Are copyleft – the „viral effect“, the „cancer“ – and the interdiction of software license fees in the cross hairs of this legal rule? On the other side the European Union has since 2004 a new Technology Transfer Block Exemption with software license agreements for the first time in its scope: a safe harbour and a dry place under a umbrella for open source software? After the introduction (A) with a description of open source software the following text analyses the system of the European Unions competition law respectivley antitrust law and the requirements of the block exemptions (B). Starting point of antitrust analysis are undertakings – but who are the untertakings (C) in the field of widespread, independent developers as part of the „bazar organization“? To see how much open source has to fear from the law of the European Union, at the end the anti competitive and pro competitive effects of open source are totalized within the legal framework (D). The conclusion (E) shows: not nothing, but not much.

Tracks of immigrant political incorporation

Models of Immigrant Political Incorporation brings together a multidisciplinary group of scholars to consider pathways by which immigrants may be incorporated into the political processes of western democracies. It builds on a rich tradition of studying immigrant incorporation, but each chapter innovates by moving beyond singular accounts of particular groups and locations toward a general causal model with the scope and breadth to apply across groups, places, and time. Models of Immigrant Political Incorporation addresses three key analytic questions: what, if anything, are the distinctive features of immigrants or immigrant groups? How broadly should one define and study politics? What are the initial premises for analyzing pathways toward incorporation; does one learn more by starting from an assumption of racialization and exclusion or from an assumption of engagement and inclusion? While all models engage with all three key analytic questions, chapters vary in their relative focus on one or another, and in the answers they provide. Most include graphical illustrations of the model, as well as extended examples applying the model to one or more immigrant populations. At a time when research on immigrant political incorporation is rapidly accumulating - and when immigrants are increasingly significant political actors in many democratic polities — this volume makes a timely and valuable intervention by pushing researchers to articulate causal dynamics, provide clear definitions and measurable concepts, and develop testable hypotheses. Furthermore, the wide array of frameworks examining how immigrants become part of a polity or are shunted aside ensure that activists and analysts alike will find useful insights. By including historians, sociologists, and political scientists, by ranging across North America and Western Europe, by addressing successful and failed incorporative efforts, this handbook offers guides for anyone seeking to develop a dynamic, unified, and supple model of immigrant political incorporation.

AIDS talk

The observations of Michel Foucault, noted Twentieth Century French philosopher, regarding modern power relations and orders of discourse, form the framework utilized to analyze and interpret the power struggles of AIDS activists and their opponents--the religious and radical right, and the administrative agencies of the 'Liberal' welfare State. Supported by the tools of sociolinguistic inquiry, the analysis highlights the success of a safer sex campaign in Houston, Texas to illustrate the dynamics of cultural and political change by means of discursive transformations initiated by the gay micro-culture. The KS/AIDS Foundation, allied with both the biomedical community and gay entertainment spheres, was successful in conveying biomedical cautions that resulted in altered personal behavior and modified public attitudes by using linguistic conventions consonant with the discourse of the Houston gay micro-culture. The transformation of discursive practices transgressed not only the Houston gay micro-culture's boundaries, but the city boundaries of Houston as well. In addition to cultural and political change, moderate and confrontational gay activists also sought to change the cognitive boundaries surrounding 'the gold standard' for clinical research trials.^ From a Foucauldian perspective, the same-sex community evolved from the subordinated Other to a position of power in a period of five years. Transformations in discursive practices and power relations are exemplified by the changing definitions employed by AIDS policy-makers, the public validation of community-based research and the establishment of parallel track drug studies. Finally, transformations in discursive practices surrounding the issues of HIV antibody testing are interpreted using Foucault's six points of power relations. The Montrose Clinic provides the case study for this investigation. The clinic turned the technical rationalities of the State against itself to achieve its own ends and those of the gay micro-culture--anonymous testing with pre and post test counseling. AIDS Talk portrays a dramatic transformation in discursive practices and power relations that transcends the historical moment to provide a model for future activists. Volume 2 contains copies of fugitive primary source materials largely unavailable elsewhere. Original documents are archived in the Harris County Medical Archives in the Houston Academy of Medicine located in the Texas Medical Center Library, Houston, Texas. ^