909 resultados para Transnational vote


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Environmental organizations, characterized here as transnational advocacy networks, use various strategies to "green" international financial institutions (IFIs). This article goes beyond analyzing network strategies to examine how transnational advocacy networks reconstitute the identity of IFIs. This, it is argued, results from processes of socialization: social influence, persuasion and coercion by lobbying. A case study of the International Finance Corporation (IFC), as a member of the World Bank Group, is used to analyze how an IFI internalized sustainable development norms. The IFC finances private enterprise in developing countries by providing venture capital for private projects. Transnational advocacy networks socialized the IFC through influencing its projects, policies and institutions via direct and indirect interactions to the point where the organization now sees itself as a sustainable development financier. This article applies constructivist insights to the greening process in order to demonstrate how socialization can reshape an IFI's identity.

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Significant increases in direct private investment in developing countries in recent decades have also led to increased interest in political risk insurance. Of importance to transnational advocacy networks are the environmental and social impacts of guaranteeing loans for private sector projects in developing countries with weak or no social or environmental safeguards. This article examines how transnational advocacy networks have attempted to influence political risk insurers to become sustainable development guarantors through a case study of the World Bank Group’s Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA). Analyzing how advocacy networks influenced MIGA’s projects, policies, and accountability institutions enables greater understanding of how to ‘politicize finance.’ It also assesses the likelihood of shaping political risk insurance identities to become sustainable development guarantors. The outcomes of such an analysis however, question the extent to which politicizing finance necessarily leads to further greening of the international development lending process.

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This essay presents the foundation Editor's vision for Transnational Curriculum Inquiry (TCI), the journal of the International Association for the Advancement of Curriculum Studies (IAACS). It explores some theoretical and practical possibilities for building new transnational and transcultural solidarities in postcolonial curriculum inquiry and argues that building such solidarities requires a rethinking of the ways in which we perform and represent curriculum inquiry, so that curriculum work within a global knowledge economy does not merely assimilate national (local) curriculum discourses-practices into an imperial (global) archive.

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There is widespread disagreement over whether transnational citizenship provides defensible extensions of, or meaningful complements to, national citizenship. A significant strand of criticism relies upon empirical arguments about political motivation and the consequences of transnationalism. This paper addresses two questions arising from empirical arguments relating to the nation state and democracy. Do the alleged cultural requirements for effective political action provide an insuperable barrier to transnational citizenship? Does transnational citizenship necessarily require a commitment to transnational democracy? I argue that these largely empirical criticisms do not succeed in casting doubt upon the normative plausibility or practical viability of transnational projects. On the first question, I point to a growing transnational political culture that serves to motivate transnational citizens. On the second question, I argue for a legitimate category of transnational citizenship that, although inspired by cosmopolitan morality, is different from it, and that does not require transnational democracy.

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Dummett (1997) notes particular difficulties with single transferable vote (STV) and proposes an alternative vote counting system called "Quota/Borda system" (QBS) to remedy specific difficulties. I propose an alternative system, structurally related to QBS, which accomplishes similar solutions but has some significant differences. This alternative system is identical to STV in all aspects except one. It eliminates candidates in reverse order of their Borda scores rather than by their current ranking of first-place votes. I designate this system STV with Borda elimination (STV-B). STV-B and QBS share general features. They retain proportional representation from STV. However, they differ from STV is two critical manners. First, both permit some influence on candidate selection to occur between voting blocks. Second, they are much more stable than STV when subjected to small changes in voter preferences. Outcomes from STV-B differ from QBS outcomes in two ways. Under STV-B, a minority that shares some preferences may elect a candidate even if the minority is not a solid coalition, as is required for minorities under QBS. Further, QBS always selects Borda winners, either for a minority or overall. STV-B may reject a Borda winner through emphasis on each voter's most preferred candidates.

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In this paper I explore some theoretical and practical possibilities for building new transnational and transcultural solidarities in postcolonial curriculum inquiry. I argue that building such solidarities requires a rethinking of the ways in which we perform and represent curriculum inquiry, so that curriculum work within a global knowledge economy does not merely assimilate national (local) curriculum discourses-practices into an imperial (global) archive. I draw on the initial stages of research on internationalisation, inclusivity, and innovative knowledge work conducted with colleagues at Deakin University, and elsewhere, which focuses on the possibilities of producing knowledge in transnational virtual spaces. This includes studies of the formation of new (and we hope more inclusive) transnational scholarly communities and constituencies, and of strategies to improve modes of intercultural communication that facilitate transnational knowledge work. I situate part of my discussion of these arguments and issues in the practicalities of establishing Transnational Curriculum Inquiry (TCI), an electronic open-access journal that is both a site for transnational scholarly conversations and a site for inquiry into the ways that electronic publishing procedures facilitate and/or constrain inclusive knowledge work and postcolonialist curriculum inquiry.

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At a time of increasing national security, this article explores the ways in which migrant communities from Asia feel a sense of attachment to exclusive and inclusive forms of national citizenship while at the same time maintaining transnational links. Drawing on data from the Australian Survey of Social Attitudes (2003), the study utilises a quantitative methodology. The strength of this methodological approach lies in its capacity to describe the importance of different categories in shaping public opinion on citizenship and transnational connections in Asia. This study compares the views of Asian-Australians with the rest of the Australian population.

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Transnational higher education (TNHE) development is not an entirely new international activity in the education services sector. The nature and scale of the global expansion of contemporary TNHE developments are, however, changing substantially. An understanding of this growth is currently largely lacking because of a dearth of comprehensive statistics. The scale of the latter TNHE developments has been particularly hard to identify and has until now been largely based on guesstimates. This article is an attempt at filling this gap. Through a triangulation methodology of available secondary data, this article is a very first attempt at providing a stock take of the current level of activity in TNHE worldwide.