1000 resultados para Trabalho político
Resumo:
Reading and writing are essential rights, which involve individual and social aspects; in addition, these skills are important when it comes to socio economic and political development, critical thinking and an active participation in society (UNESCO 2005). From a neurobiological standpoint, our brain is not prepared for reading, and this practice must be deliberately acquired via instructional guidance (DEHAENE 2009). However, reading disorders and deficits within executive functions, such as low working memory capacity, can make reading arduous. The aim of this study is to investigate the development of reading skills within 45 third grade students from public schools in the city of Natal – RN and its connection to working memory capacity, through information gathered from the Provinha Brasil, data generated from working memory tasks (Portuguese version of AWMA - Automated Working Memory Assessment) and fluid intelligence measures RAVEN. Based on this main objective, we attempted to answer the following research questions: (a) What are the correlations between working memory and reading scores?; (b) What characterizes the relationship between working memory capacity and the risk of reading disabilities amongst the participants in this study?; Following a quantitative research methodology, the Provinhas Brasil from 3rd grade students belonging to the six public schools members of Project ACERTA - Avaliação de Crianças em Risco de Transtornos de Aprendizagem (CAPES/OBEDUC)- were analyzed and compared to the scores from the working memory tests and the fluid intelligence ones. Results indicate that reading skills within children at risk of reading disabilities are directly linked to working memory capacity, especially with regards to the phonological component. It is also evident that the participants with less working memory capacity show more difficulties in the reading abilities that demand interpretation skills. Thus, we intend to contribute to the discussion regarding the diagnosis of reading disabilities and possible intervention strategies.
Resumo:
Reading and writing are essential rights, which involve individual and social aspects; in addition, these skills are important when it comes to socio economic and political development, critical thinking and an active participation in society (UNESCO 2005). From a neurobiological standpoint, our brain is not prepared for reading, and this practice must be deliberately acquired via instructional guidance (DEHAENE 2009). However, reading disorders and deficits within executive functions, such as low working memory capacity, can make reading arduous. The aim of this study is to investigate the development of reading skills within 45 third grade students from public schools in the city of Natal – RN and its connection to working memory capacity, through information gathered from the Provinha Brasil, data generated from working memory tasks (Portuguese version of AWMA - Automated Working Memory Assessment) and fluid intelligence measures RAVEN. Based on this main objective, we attempted to answer the following research questions: (a) What are the correlations between working memory and reading scores?; (b) What characterizes the relationship between working memory capacity and the risk of reading disabilities amongst the participants in this study?; Following a quantitative research methodology, the Provinhas Brasil from 3rd grade students belonging to the six public schools members of Project ACERTA - Avaliação de Crianças em Risco de Transtornos de Aprendizagem (CAPES/OBEDUC)- were analyzed and compared to the scores from the working memory tests and the fluid intelligence ones. Results indicate that reading skills within children at risk of reading disabilities are directly linked to working memory capacity, especially with regards to the phonological component. It is also evident that the participants with less working memory capacity show more difficulties in the reading abilities that demand interpretation skills. Thus, we intend to contribute to the discussion regarding the diagnosis of reading disabilities and possible intervention strategies.
Resumo:
This dissertation aims to analyze and understand the process and practices of political marketing strategies applied to social media facebook and twitter Cássio Cunha Lima - PSDB candidate for governor of Paraíba, in the 2014 elections The work is divided into three parts . The first two chapters, both of theoretical nature, underlie the discussion about the use of the Internet as a campaign space and political marketing campaign as well as the different communication strategies and electoral marketing already presented in the literature. Following, is dedicated to a topic for the presentation of the methodology and subsequently makes the discussion of empirical data analysis. Finally, we present the conclusions. The analysis takes as its starting point the models Figueiredo et al. (1998) and Albuquerque (1999) to observe the traditional strategies and suggests the inclusion of typically recorded on the Internet strategies. The methodology used for the analysis was the qualitative and quantitative content from variables that we list different campaign strategies. In order to achieve the purpose of this research, we conducted a case study as an analytical object online campaign Cássio Cunha Lima. The case study took place from the construction of a candidate's biographical and political profile, presented and discussed in the text. This research also made use of virtual ethnography. Therefore, were monitored social media facebook and twitter that political, with the help of image capture program - Greenshot by creating pre-defined categories of analysis, for example, calendar, prestige and support, negative campaign , engagement, among others. The period chosen for monitoring the candidate's official profiles was from 24 August to 28 October 2014, because it holds the pre, during and post-election where there was greater candidate drive level and his team marketing in social media selected for analysis. The results indicate that mobilization strategy (online and offline), merged with the promotion schedule, it is predominant in the social media Cassio. They also indicate that they do not show the failure of the campaign of the candidate in 2014.
Resumo:
Augusto Boal (Brasil) y Heiner Müller (Alemania) son dramaturgos del siglo XX que vivieron en países y contextos evidentemente distintos. Sin embargo, con la crisis del teatro burgués y de las condiciones de legitimidad del régimen de producción de este teatro, ambos presentan puntos de contacto en sus líneas y vectores teatrales que, frente a la universalidad cuestionable de la dramatización, llevan a la concepción de un teatro múltiple y perturbador del orden de lo sensible. Los procesos de escenificación contemporánea exige un adelantamiento del sentido político, desviando del juego de representaciones sociales, para dar lugar al trabajo deconstructor de imágenes como cisión entre la palabra y lo representado, entre lo legible y lo visible. Frente al expuesto, las escritas escénicas y, por eso, literarias de estos autores, sitios de singularización – no con ausencia de paradojas – capaces de movilizar manifestaciones e impases cuanto a las imágenes que ordenan o desordenan los textos dramáticos, traen para la contemporaneidad tensiones que llevan al teatro mismo, tanto a interpelarse como, en su fuerza plural, a encontrar pasajes para el nuevo. Llevar a la superficie aspectos políticos en las imágenes de los textos dramáticos, considerándolos en su inscripción literaria: “La misión: recuerdos de una revolución”, de Heiner Müller, y de “El hombre que era una fábrica”, de Augusto Boal, se hace un desafío, una vez que las imágenes pretendidas son aquellas con formas o materialidades todavía no visibles en la escena, podríamos decir, en estado virtual. Como imágenes pensantes, ellas suceden en el plan de inmanencia del lenguaje (Deleuze y Guattari). Siendo lo “político” una perturbación en lo sensible, contrario a la política (Rancière), la dramaturgia se abala en multiplicidades, desplazando y desnaturalizando las funciones de autor/dramaturgo y lector/actor, teatro/literatura. Dramaturgia simultánea, imagen, fragmento y colaje se muestran como procedimientos artísticos y literarios creativos que se encuentran apropiados sea en la teoría del teatro del oprimido (Boal), sea en el teatro pos-dramático (Hans-ThiesLehmann), a pesar de que, al confrontarlas, sobresalían en desentendimientos: la primera coincide con la lógica de la identidad y la segunda, esta se desarticula, movida por la diáfora, contestación, o desacuerdo. Tales relaciones – no apriorísticas – se suceden en cuanto acontecimiento de la lectura o de la literatura como acontecimiento en que lo político en las imágenes se da, antes, en las lagunas y obscuridades, aludiendo a lo que está más allá de lo sentido, de la escena del gesto y de la palabra. El lector no se para para atribuir sentido, se interroga frente a las metamorfosis y formas oblicuas de acontecimientos insospechables que componen lo político estableciendo la gestión colectiva de la enunciación. En este caso, el texto de Boal y el texto de Müller se inscriben en la producción de una literatura menor, o de un teatro menor, o que los califica como agentes de devenires revolucionarios, agitando, a través de la política en las imágenes, e irrumpiendo contra el problema del poder en las artes.
Resumo:
In this study, we join up in the theoretical assumptions of the French Discourse Analysis in order to analyze effects of the demand of objectification of language in the context of vestibular essays. More specifically, we analyze the operation of said objectification via discourses constructed by the traditional vestibular exam due to the requirement to have, in the students’ essays, paraphrases of statements from the motivating texts (TM) of the test in question. From our perspective, the objectification mechanism of language, the paraphrase, in the vestibular, its logic of clarity and non-contradiction of ideas, is made by (in)determination of senses in the order of its speech and, also, in its practice: the correction of the vestibular essay. Therefore, in spite of what is assumed as guarantee to language in the moment of the vestibular essay, we suggest there are regularization-recognition conflicts of same senses— the constitutive senses of TM — in the evaluative speech of two vestibular-essay correctors(CA and CB). These correctors, with their history of reading (grammar and Linguistic Textual), stress the concept of paraphrase taken by the vestibular instance for the correction of students’ essays. Such stress creates a dispute of speeches: the speech of knowledge (university policy) versus the speech of produce (neoliberal policy); the latter as reading policy that favors literal meanings, consensus. Because of all this, we question: what are the effects of senses produced in (and about) vestibular essays by the demand of determining of the saying there instituted? To answer this question, we build analysis from clippings of documents that regulate the vestibular exam (institutional texts) in our country and, also, analysis of two vestibular essays in which at times appear, at times not, according to the judgment of CA and CB of essays, paraphrases of TM statements of the essay. The analysis, in theory, punctuates effects of sense of the objectification process of the saying in vestibular, and primarily the rarefaction of legal-position subject-of-knowing by the current institution of the subject-of-making. Moreover, our work comprises affiliations of sense that relates to the subject-speech relationship in evaluative exercise of vestibular essays, on the question of authorship.
Resumo:
Esta tese tem como tema principal o discurso ambiental local. Trata-se de uma proposta de análise, que pode ser aplicada a este tipo de discurso em qualquer localidade, e um estudo de caso, que aplicou a análise proposta na tese. O objetivo geral desta pesquisa foi analisar a informação local sobre meio ambiente veiculada por meio dos discursos jornalístico, político e empresarial, estabelecendo relações históricas, sociais e ideológicas do discurso ambiental que permeiam as três áreas em questão. A metodologia incluiu três fases: pesquisa bibliográfica e revisão de literatura sobre os principais conceitos levantados no trabalho; levantamento de discursos locais disponíveis na mídia para análise no estudo de caso; análise dos discursos a partir de protocolo elaborado com base na Análise do Discurso de linha francesa. O estudo de caso traz a análise do discurso ambiental no município de Frutal-MG, onde hoje estão em andamento várias pesquisas e projetos na área ambiental. A principal conclusão do trabalho confirma a hipótese da pesquisa de que a informação ambiental fruto dos discursos político, jornalístico e empresarial em âmbito local tem caráter predominantemente situacional, mercadológico e propagandístico, pouco focada em conscientizar e educar e com ênfase em interesses comerciais e eleitorais e na resolução de problemas emergenciais
Resumo:
Hospitals are a big part of the service sector. Thus, such institutions are highly influenced by the logic of the capitalist accumulation, technology and forms of labor organization, especially by private organizations. Starting with the restructuring process motion and incorporation of technologies, many changes in the working process occur, therefore, the activities of medical professionals as well. During the preparation of this research items regarding the banalization of evil were identified. This banalization and resignation of the professionals face to violence are caused by the adoption of collective defense strategies. Therefore, this research aims to analyze how the rationalization of working conditions by gynecologists obstetricians and pediatricians working in the emergency rooms of public and private hospitals in Curitiba and metropolitan region occurs. An approach of mixed methods was used as methodological procedures. The naturalization of violence, the suffering which professionals are submitted to, are combined with the political and ideological control, bureaucratic control, the imaginary built about hospitals and collective defense strategies. It is therefore possible to understand that labor conditions of gynecologists obstetricians and pediatricians in emergency rooms are rationalized. When social injustice is naturalized, political strategies for changes are not possible. For this reason, the first step is to gather awareness, there is a need to unveil the reality, to understand the phenomena at its core and discard superficialities. It is also necessary that the actions and expressions of indignation to come hand in hand with political actions in order to change to happen.
Resumo:
This study was a critical investigation of the configuration of discourse on work in the Brazilian criminal legal discourse. We problematized the discourse of an alleged reintegrative social function proposed by the criminal legal system and analyzed the role of such discourse in the core of disciplinary power strategies that impose on individuals the honest worker condition as a major criterion for their rehabilitation and return to society as citizens. This critique is our starting point to build the argument that discourse on work as it appears in current criminal legal texts operates more as a criminalization index of those who do not have a lawful occupation than a guarantee of legitimate social transit for convicts and recognition of their dignity. For this purpose, we used as corpus the main sources of Law, namely the Federal Constitution of 1988, the Penal Code, the Penal Execution Law, the Brazilian criminal doctrine and an extensive, more recent penal jurisprudence with regard to techniques of resocialization through work. This critical line enabled us to recognize complexity and plurality of discourses - antagonistic, at times - that build the world of work as portrayed in legal texts. We also sought reference in the discussion on the centrality of work as a formative category of the social being as well as theories that defend the non-centrality of work. Throughout our investigation, we sough to question the very condition of such centrality and to understand the ways in which it was possible to produce a legitimating discourse on work as a model of emancipatory social conduct defended and demanded by the Brazilian punitive system. In a context of precariousness, unemployment and flexibilization of the world of work in contemporary society, convicts hardly ever succeed to resume the identity of honest, hard-working citizens - and no longer offenders. In this context, we also questioned the formulation of a discourse that speaks about human labor as the essence of man and criticizes the Marxist vision that is based on work centrality, and we approached the concept of Michel Foucault, our theoretician of reference, who understands work more as a mechanism of power that promotes the individuals’ submission and adaptation to a goods-producing society than the natural activity of man. We ascribe our study to the field of questions that tackle the political conception of the body as subject to labor imposed as productive and political force. It is about the issue of political technology of individuals, a technology of power, as named by the French author. The intended analysis has not dismissed the material existence of labor relations but sought to discuss the validity of a discourse that considers work the main resource for convict rehabilitation and index for the recognition of dignity and honesty. The Foucauldian discourse analysis was the foundation for the investigation of our object, especially if we understand discourses as social practices with power to institute knowledge and produce truths.
Resumo:
Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Universidade Federal da Paraíba, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, Programa Multiinstitucional e Inter-regional de Pós-Graduação em Ciências Contábeis, 2009.
Resumo:
A democracia contemporânea vem, ao longo das últimas décadas, recebendo cada vez mais influência dos meios de comunicação em seus processos. Com o surgimento e propagação da Internet, os governos tem precisado se adaptar e se preocupar com a transparência de suas ações e com as inúmeras vozes de atores sociais cada vez mais conectados, informados e munidos de ferramentas, por meio das quais, podem realizar comunicações de grande alcance de forma rápida e eficaz, sem o intermédio de grandes meios de comunicação. Com o objetivo de observar a relação entre o governos e cidadãos por meio das redess sociais online – um dos principais meios por onde a sociedade, hoje, tem se comunicado e se mobilizado sobre inúmeras, inclusive, políticas – esse estudo analisou como o Ministério da Educação do Brasil (MEC), órgão responsável pelo planejamento e desenvolvimento de políticas públicas para educação no país, trabalha sua comunicação com o cidadão por meio do Facebook e como utiliza essa ferramenta no processo de implementação e avaliação de suas políticas. O trabalho foi realizado por meio do estudo exploratório e da análise qualitativa dos dados colhidos na página MEC no Facebook entre anos de 2011 e 2014, período do primeiro mandato da presidente Dilma Rousseff. Com a análise, observou-se que o MEC modificou bastante a forma como se comunica por esta rede social, recebendo, inclusive, aparente melhor infra-estrutura para esta tarefa. Sua mudança de postura no Facebook deixa claro o interesse e a busca pela participação dos cidadadãos no desevolvimento de suas políticas públicas. Por outro lado, mostra que essa participação é, de certa forma, limitada pela atitude do MEC de não desenvolver diálogo com o cidadão, mantendo-os sempre a certa distância.
Resumo:
Este trabalho se situa na continuidade do debate incitado por vários estudiosos sobre as metamorfoses dos centros históricos. Procura-se enunciar algumas contradições entre discursos e práticas manifestadas na cidade de São Luís - MA tendo como pano de fundo o protagonismo do programa de revitalização versus atuação do poder público sobre o legado cultural. O objetivo principal consistiu em analisar como determinados políticos se apropriaram da questão da proteção do patrimônio histórico-cultural. Os temas referentes a (re)apropriação das áreas centrais antigas adquiriram na atualidade incontestável relevância. Na maioria das vezes, os resultados das intervenções nos centros antigos são apresentados como fatos que só têm lado positivo, já que, o movimento que seleciona a “memória oficial”, escolhida por governos em nome da tradição dá supremacia para a valorização do acervo cultural arquitetônico. Do ponto de vista teórico-metodológico, a pesquisa é de caráter exploratório permeada pela interdisciplinaridade. Foram consultados documentos institucionais relativos ao programa de preservação, partindo para identificação de fatos, e estratégias desveladas para sua implementação. Percebeu-se que a prática preservacionista funcionou, um lócus privilegiado, de oportunidades de investimentos rentáveis ao poder político, o que acabou resultando em novas configurações urbanas com a manutenção do status quo de determinados indivíduos.
Resumo:
O curso 1 de Gestão Pública em Saúde, produzido pela UNA-SUS/UFMA em parceria com a UNA-SUS/UEL, apresenta o contexto social e político da criação do SUS e os desafios para sua consolidação como política de Estado; traz as instâncias de gestão compartilhada do SUS, destacando a importância do papel do gestor e equipe gestora nesse processo e as possibilidades da gestão em avançar rumo ao conceito ampliado de saúde; apresenta, também, reflexões sobre o trabalho em saúde, suas características, possibilidades e responsabilidade do gestor e equipe gestora em seu processo cotidiano de trabalho.
Resumo:
The work aims to present an overview of social movements in actuality, in the Latin America, and presents a mapping of their main forms in Brazil. The search ponders the educational character of their actions, both for its participants, as for society in general and public agencies. The basic premise of assertion that social movements are sources of innovation and knowledge-generating arrays. However, because it is not an isolated process but social-political character, the paper search joints in the network of relationships that establish movements in political, economic and socio-cultural country, to understand the factors that generate learning built and values of political culture that are being built. . The text highlights movements that occurs in the areas of education - formal and non-formal education.
Resumo:
This study contemplates reports and reflections about gender and the interfaces with work, power and woman's political participation within the Bororo indigenous communities in Mato Grosso, Guarani/Kaiowá and Kadiwéu ones, in Mato Grosso do Sul. In the study with the Bororo community, the woman valorization occurred because she represents the guardian of the culture and of the traditional knowledge, and at the same time, she is an important speaker for the Bororo and the non indigenous society. In the case of Guarani/Kaiowá community, the most important facts are, on one side, the departure of the men and their wish to become city men, and on the other, the women who wish or need to keep the Guarani identity and live in the reserve. In the Kadiwéu community, the most important fact is the women political power and a role division between men and women, without the attribution of more value to one role or the other.
Resumo:
Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física