Reactive Co-Radicalization: Religious Extremism as Mutual Dicontent

Extremist rhetoric and behaviour, including violence, emanating from those fearing and opposed to Islamic extremism—and typically generalising that to Islam or Muslims—is undeniable. Equally, there is evidence of Muslim rhetoric that fires up fears of a threatening West and antipathy to religious ‘others’ as damned infidels, including Christians and Jews who are otherwise regarded as co-religionists—as ‘peoples of the Book’. Mutual discontent and antipathy abound. On the one hand, Islamic extremism provokes a reactionary extremism from parts, at least, of the non-Muslim world; on the other hand, Muslim extremism appears often in response to the perception of an aggressive and impositional colonising non-Muslim world. ‘Reactive Co-Radicalization’, I suggest, names this mutual rejection and exclusionary circle currently evident, in particular, with respect to many Muslim and non-Muslim communities. This article discusses reactive co-radicalization as a hermeneutical perspective on religious extremism with particular reference to two European cases.

Religious Identity and Consumption

Consumption choices assist in solving the problem of how to convey and recognize religious identities. In the communication of an identity, individuals use the knowledge embedded in consumption norms, which restrict the range of choices to a smaller set and abbreviate the required knowledge for encoding and decoding messages. Using this knowledge as a shared framework for understanding, individuals with religious beliefs can choose consumption items that would not only strengthen their beliefs but also help them express the intensity of their commitments to these beliefs. Because individuals and societies have different beliefs, norms, commitments, and expressive needs, consumption choice can help to express these differences. Our explanation contrasts with incentive-based approaches that view religious consumption norms as solutions to free-rider problem inherent in clubs.

Certainty

http://lib.dr.iastate.edu/carver_narratives/1015/thumbnail.jpg

A faithful sea. The religious cultures of the mediterranean, 1200-1700. Edited by Adnan A. Husain and K.E. Fleming, Oneworld Publications, Oxford, 2007.ISBN: 1851684964 / 1-85168-496-4, 226 p.

Fil: Samsó, Fernanda. Universidad Nacional de Cuyo. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras

Voting behavior in Indonesia from 1999 to 2014 : religious cleavage or economic performance?

In this study, we examine the voting behavior in Indonesian parliamentary elections from 1999 to 2014. After summarizing the changes in Indonesian parties' share of the vote from a historical standpoint, we investigate the voting behavior with simple regression models to analyze the effect of regional characteristics on Islamic/secular parties' vote share, using aggregated panel data at the district level. Then, we also test the hypothesis of retrospective economic voting. The results show that districts which formerly stood strongly behind Islamic parties continued to select those parties, or gave preference to abstention over the parties in some elections. From the point of view of retrospective economic voting, we found that districts which experienced higher per capita economic growth gave more support to the ruling parties, although our results remain tentative because information on 2014 is not yet available.

La habitación subterránea en la Península Ibérica : investigación geológica

La habitación rupestre en la Península Ibérica conforma un amplio conjunto de manifestaciones cuyos orígenes son difíciles de dilucidar. Existen conjuntos primitivos, posiblemente horadados durante la Antigüedad Clásica y Tardía, y otros que probablemente se originaron y excavaron en la Alta Edad Media, en los que se mezclan grupos de origen religioso y otros de probable uso defensivo. El conjunto peninsular es sin duda el más variado de Europa Occidental, pues recibió influencias árabes y usos de la cristiandad antigua, importados de Oriente Próximo, que por tanto relacionan estas manifestaciones con otras del arco mediterráneo. La supervivencia del uso de las cuevas a lo largo de la Baja Edad Media -una vez afianzada la Reconquista- es una incógnita, pero los usos rupestres volvieron a generalizarse en ciertos sectores de la Península durante la Edad Moderna, toda vez que el hábitat cuevero manifestó una eclosión relacionada con la peripecia de los moriscos, primero desterrados de sus habitaciones en el Sur y Este peninsular y luego expulsados en los albores del siglo XVII. Los que quedaron, nominalmente conversos, debieron habitar de nuevo cuevas en sus lugares de origen. Esos núcleos son los más abundantes, particularmente en la provincia de Granada y aledañas. Este substrato fue seguramente el punto de apoyo para la proliferación de las cuevas de habitación a partir del siglo XIX, en el cual un creciente proletariado agrícola y urbano necesitó de alojamientos baratos y no hizo sino imitar usos preexistentes, que se pueden rastrear en muchos de los núcleos rupestres que sobrevivieron mayoritariamente hasta bien entrado el siglo XX, y que se abandonaron gradualmente a partir de los años 60 de esa centuria. Para entonces, existían barrios de cuevas extensos en muchas provincias, destacando, aparte de las andaluzas, ciertas zonas de la Cuenca del Ebro (aragonesa, navarra y riojana), del arco periurbano de Valencia, del Sur de Madrid, de la Mancha toledana, o de las provincias de Albacete, Guadalajara, Murcia e incluso de Palencia. Los núcleos antiguos se excavaron -en razón de su origen dedicado a defensa y refugio- en lugares poco accesibles, que mayoritariamente se dan en relieves anfractuosos, en las orlas marginales detríticas y carbonatadas de las cuencas terciarias y en terrenos más antiguos de la geológicamente denominada Cuenca Vasco Cantábrica, en las cuales florecieron centros de eremitismo del primitivo condado de Castilla. También son lugares inaccesibles los riscos asomados a cantiles fluviales, cuya regularización morfológica natural ha sido causa de la ruina de múltiples hipogeos que se labraron con las mismas intenciones de refugio, defensa o retiro espiritual. Los núcleos modernos se han excavado ya en terrenos más propicios (los que componen las cuencas terciarias o "España arcillosa", mayoritariamente), y por ello observamos cómo abundan las litologías sedimentarias, que son aquellas en las que se horadaron casi todas las "colmenas" de habitación moderna en la Península. En unos casos y otros, existen rasgos comunes en lo relativo a la litología y comportamiento de los materiales excavados, y también en lo relativo a su evolución, meteorización y conservación. Se han estudiado por ello estas pautas comunes -como un posible avance para el establecimiento futuro de estudios de geoconservación del patrimonio rupestre habitado-, que se traducen en la determinación de los procesos de meteorización más característicos en los antros de la Península Ibérica -sean modernos o antiguos- y en la determinación de las relaciones más habituales entre geomorfología y tipología de las cuevas de habitación. También se exponen algunas conclusiones relativas a la resistencia de los tipos pétreos en relación a la antigüedad de los emplazamientos. Esta relación se explica bien si tenemos en cuenta que las cuevas antiguas trataban de ser lugares apartados en los que dominan rocas más resistentes -como se ha explicado- y que en las modernas se ha buscado la habitación permanente, en los materiales más blandos ocupan las depresiones terciarias del Centro, Este y Sur de la Península, colonizados no ya como refugios sino de modo seguro, y ya en arrabales "extramuros" de las ciudades. Geomorfológicamente, esta razón histórica tiene consecuencias sobre la posición de las cuevas, sobre su organización, y sobre su conservación. La extensión del dominio estudiado obliga prácticamente a bosquejar algunas de estas conclusiones geológicas, pero permite a su vez proporcionar una visión global acerca del patrimonio troglodítico desde una perspectiva geológica, y en ello radica la principal novedad de la investigación. Cave dwelling in the Iberian Peninsula comprises a great deal of examples whose origins are sometimes difficult to elucidate. There are primitive groups of caves, probably belonging to Classical and Late Antiquity, and other settlements that appear to have been created and excavated in the Early Middle Ages. Some of them are due to religious reasons and some others may probably have served for defensive uses. The Peninsular group is very likely the most diverse in Western Europe, for it was not only influenced by Arabs, but it also assimilated uses from the Antique Christendom, imported from the Middle East. In this sense, Iberian cave dwellings connect with those of the Mediterranean area. There is not total certainty about the survival of caves serving for dwelling throughout the Late Middle Ages, once the Reconquista was a fact. However, underground excavations for human habitation were once again dispread in certain zones of the Peninsula during the Early Modern period. This growth of underground habitats appears in connexion with Morisco’s vicissitudes; first of all, their removal from their settlements in South and Eastern Peninsula, and finally their expulsion from Spanish territory at the very beginning of XVII th century. Those of them who rested in Spain –and that were nominally “converts”- seem to have returned to cave dwelling in their places of origin, particularly in the province of Granada and its neighbouring zones. This substrate may have been the toehold for a new spreading of cave dwellings since XIX th century, when the increasing rural and urban proletariat returned to the pre-existent uses of caves in order to solve the necessity of affordable housing. This fact can still be detected in many of the rock settlements that have survived during a great part of the XX th century and which were gradually abandoned from the 60´s onwards. There were important cave dwelling districts in many Spanish territories by that time, and not only in Andalusia. We also find them in certain areas of the Ebro basin (those of Aragon, Navarra and La Rioja), in the peri-urban arc of Valencia, in the South of Madrid province and also in the provinces of Toledo (the so called “Mancha toledana”), Albacete, Guadalajara, Murcia or even Palencia as well. Due to their defensive and refuge uses, primitive underground habitats were dug in hardly accessible places. The majority of them are located in mountainous and rough areas, when not in the marginal borders of Tertiary basins, where coarse detritic and carbonate formations outcrop. Cave dwellings can also be found in more ancient rock masses, such as those of the Basque Cantabrian Mesozoic Basin, which is the area where hermit centres of the primitive County of Castile first flourished. Cliffs surrounding fluvial valleys are as well inaccessible places, but here we find that geological evolution has caused the destruction of many rock sanctuaries and cliff dwellings that were originally dug with the same purposes of defence, refuge and spiritual retreat. Later modern cave settlements were dug in quite more favourable terrains, mainly in the soils that compose the Tertiary basins, generally known as “España arcillosa” or “Clayey Spain”. Therefore, we find abundant sedimentary fine and medium grained lithologies, which are the ones that have hosted the majority of Modern Era warren cave dwellings in the Iberian Peninsula. Actually, both types of cave dwelling share some standards regarding the lithology of the excavated materials, and they share as well certain patterns that affect to their evolution, weathering and preservation. These common patterns have been studied here in order to determine the most characteristic weathering processes that affect the majority of the Iberian caves, both Antique and Modern. And also with a view to establish the most habitual relationships between geomorphology and typology of cave dwellings. The study may as well provide a first basis for future studies on geo-preservation of cave dwellings heritage. We also reach some conclusions about the strength of different rocks concerning the antiquity of the sites. As we have already pointed out, this relation comes from the fact that ancient caves were placed in remote or isolated locations, where harder rocks outcrop, while more modern ones result from people´s search of permanent dwelling. In this sense, the softer rocks of the Tertiary Basins of Middle, East and South Peninsula provided a secure colonization to this second and modern group. And moreover, considering geomorphological features, this historical reason has had an effect not only on the position and location of the caves, but also on their organisation/structure/distribution and preservation. The huge extension of our domain of interest almost forces to sketch out some of these geological conclusions. But at the same time it gives a global panorama of Spanish troglodyte heritage, seen from a geological perspective. And here is the main novelty of this research.

Do You Have To Be Religious To Find Meaning In Life

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Delineating the Boundaries for Religious Speech in Public Discourse in Kierkegaard and Habermas

How is it that one of the most famous Christian thinkers - Soren Kierkegaard -- and one of the most famous contemporary secular thinkers -- Jurgen Habermas - both agree: the religious has nothing to say in the public realm of social, ethical discourse.

A(S) CIÊNCIA(S) DA(S) RELIGIÃO(ÕES) NO ALVORECER DE UM NOVO PARADIGMA

A reflexão proposta neste estudo está centrada na possibilidade de o Novo Paradigma Sistêmico , tal qual o concebe o físico norte-americano Fritjof Capra, fundamentar um modelo epistemológico, possível de integrar em seu âmbito os pontos de vista divergentes no debate sobre o tratamento científico do fenômeno religioso. A história das ciências da religião está marcada pelo dilema epistemológico: explicar ou compreender a religião? As ciências da natureza contrapuseram-se às ciências do espírito, que diferiam das primeiras pelo objeto, pelo método e pela relação entre o sujeito e o objeto. O debate que esteve presente no cenário dos séculos XIX e XX mostrou-nos a impossibilidade de se definir um modelo de ciência que incorporasse, em seu seio, uma integração dos pontos de vista divergentes, em razão dos princípios que norteavam o paradigma cientificista. No entanto, a emergência do paradigma dos sistemas vivos ou da complexidade , liderado pela física, veio conceber o caráter sistêmico da realidade; que o concreto material é energia sob o aspecto subatômico; que sob o aspecto subatômico, a matéria não existe em lugares definidos com certeza, mas apenas mostram tendências a existir. Estas e outras descobertas possibilitaram aos cientistas afirmar a existência de um Novo Paradigma , em que as categorias análise, regularidade e objetividade, que caracterizavam o antigo, são substituídas por: síntese, irregularidade e conduta epistêmica. O paradigma emergente possibilitou a construção de um modelo epistemológico do conhecimento científico, que apontamos como legitimador das condutas fenomenológicas, tal qual as concebem G. van der Leeuw e F. Heiler, ao mesmo tempo em que possibilita a integração de pontos de vista divergentes, no debate entre as vertentes, explicação/compreensão.(AU)

A(S) CIÊNCIA(S) DA(S) RELIGIÃO(ÕES) NO ALVORECER DE UM NOVO PARADIGMA

A reflexão proposta neste estudo está centrada na possibilidade de o Novo Paradigma Sistêmico , tal qual o concebe o físico norte-americano Fritjof Capra, fundamentar um modelo epistemológico, possível de integrar em seu âmbito os pontos de vista divergentes no debate sobre o tratamento científico do fenômeno religioso. A história das ciências da religião está marcada pelo dilema epistemológico: explicar ou compreender a religião? As ciências da natureza contrapuseram-se às ciências do espírito, que diferiam das primeiras pelo objeto, pelo método e pela relação entre o sujeito e o objeto. O debate que esteve presente no cenário dos séculos XIX e XX mostrou-nos a impossibilidade de se definir um modelo de ciência que incorporasse, em seu seio, uma integração dos pontos de vista divergentes, em razão dos princípios que norteavam o paradigma cientificista. No entanto, a emergência do paradigma dos sistemas vivos ou da complexidade , liderado pela física, veio conceber o caráter sistêmico da realidade; que o concreto material é energia sob o aspecto subatômico; que sob o aspecto subatômico, a matéria não existe em lugares definidos com certeza, mas apenas mostram tendências a existir. Estas e outras descobertas possibilitaram aos cientistas afirmar a existência de um Novo Paradigma , em que as categorias análise, regularidade e objetividade, que caracterizavam o antigo, são substituídas por: síntese, irregularidade e conduta epistêmica. O paradigma emergente possibilitou a construção de um modelo epistemológico do conhecimento científico, que apontamos como legitimador das condutas fenomenológicas, tal qual as concebem G. van der Leeuw e F. Heiler, ao mesmo tempo em que possibilita a integração de pontos de vista divergentes, no debate entre as vertentes, explicação/compreensão.(AU)

Everyday Indivisibility: How Exclusive Religious Practices Explain Variation in Subnational Violence Outcomes

This project explores the puzzle of religious violence variation. Religious actors initiate conflict at a higher rate than their secular counterparts, last longer, are more deadly, and are less prone to negotiated termination. Yet the legacy of religious peacemakers on the reduction of violence is undeniable. Under what conditions does religion contribute to escalated violence and under what conditions does it contribute to peace? I argue that more intense everyday practices of group members, or high levels of orthopraxy, create dispositional indivisibilities that make violence a natural alternative to bargaining. Subnational armed groups with members whose practices are exclusive and isolating bind together through ritual practice, limit the acceptable decisions of leaders, and have prolonged timeframes, all of which result in higher levels of intensity, intransigence and resolve during violent conflict. The theory challenges both instrumentalist and constructivist understandings of social identity and violence. To support this argument, I construct an original cross-national data-set that employs ethnographic data on micro-level religious practices for 724 subnational armed groups in both civil wars and terror campaigns. Using this data, I build an explanatory “religious practice index” for each observation and examine its relationship with conflict outcomes. Findings suggest that exclusive practice groups fight significantly longer with more intensity and negotiate less. I also apply the practice model to qualitative cases. Fieldwork in the West Bank and Sierra Leone reveals that groups with more exclusive religious practicing membership are principle contributors to violence, whereas those with inclusive practices can contribute to peace. The project concludes with a discussion about several avenues for future research and identifies the practical policy applications to better identify and combat religious extremism.