Convergence/Divergence: Party political discourse in Northern Ireland's transition from conflict

This paper illuminates the role of political language in a peace process through analysing the discourse used by political parties in Northern Ireland. What matters, it seems, is not whether party discourses converge or diverge but rather how, and in what ways, they do so. In the case of Northern Ireland, there remains strong divergence between discourses regarding the ethos of unionist and nationalist parties. As a consequence, core definitions of identity, culture, norms and principle remain common grounds for competition within nationalism and unionism. There has, however, been a significant shift towards convergence between unionist and nationalist parties in their discourses on power and governance, specifically among the now predominant (hardline) and the smaller (moderate) parties. The argument thus elaborated is that political transition from conflict need not necessarily entail the creation of a “shared discourse” between all parties. Indeed, points of divergence between parties’ discourses of power and ethos are as important for a healthy post-conflict democratic environment as the elements of convergence between them.

“That’s not Ironic, that’s just Stupid!": Towards an Eclectic Account of the Discourse of Irony

This article draws on a range of models from language studies, particularly from linguistic pragmatics, in order to elucidate patterns in the production and reception of irony in its social and cultural context. An expanded view of the concept of irony, it is suggested, allows for better modelling of the creative mechanisms which underpin it, and in doing so can open the way for a fuller understanding of humour production and reception. A consequence of this broader (five-fold) typology of irony is that it can help shed light on the cultural dynamic of irony. The article uses a range of examples from different media and the lay definitions and interpretations that ordinary (non-academic) users of the language use in the comprehension of irony. Insofar as it seeks to develop an overarching model of irony, this paper draws on a variety of textual examples from a variety of sources, ranging from corpus evidence, through a stand-up comedy routine, to political wall murals and their discursive re-conformation as humour in present-day Northern Ireland. Although the central discussion is supported by insights from other linguistic, cognitive and socio-cultural approaches, the theoretical framework which emerges, with its focus on language and communication in context, is situated squarely within contemporary linguistic pragmatics.

Seen but never heard: rethinking approaches to researching racism and young children

This paper is concerned with the methodology underlying attempts to understand the nature and impact of racism among young children. In drawing upon data gathered from a year-long ethnographic study of five- and six-year-old children in an English multi-ethnic, inner-city primary school, the paper provides a critique of traditional approaches to the study of racial attitudes among young children. It is argued that such research has been conceived through the articulation of two, inter-related discourses on children and on 'race'; the former couched in traditional socialisation and developmental models of childhood with their tendency to neglect the agency and social competency of young children and the latter being embedded within essentialist notions of 'race' and ethnicity that tend to deny the contingent and context-specific nature of racialised identities. The paper argues that the result of this has been that while children have often been the objects of research they have rarely been the subjects; in other words they are often seen but never heard. The paper argues for the need to move beyond the methodological confines set by these discourses and rethink alternative approaches that begin with the assumption that young children are socially competent. One such approach, drawing upon ethnographic methods and fore-grounding the importance of largely unstructured small group interviews with young children, is illustrated. Through the use of a number of examples, it is shown how this approach can help to emphasise the ability of children as young as five and six to respond to and negotiate their social worlds and more specifically within this the competency with which they are able to appropriate, rework and reproduce a number of discourses on 'race' to make sense of their own social experiences. In doing this the paper also illustrates the way in which it provides a methodology able to draw out and highlight the contradictions, contingency and complexity of racialised identities among young children. Ultimately, it is an approach concerned with placing the children themselves central within the research processes and foregrounding their voices and experiences.

Telling stories of 21st Century welfare: the UK Coalition Government and the neo-liberal discourse of worklessness and dependency’ Critical Social Policy

Policy documents are a useful source for understanding the privileging of particular ideological and policy preferences (Scrase and Ockwell, 2010) and how the language and imagery may help to construct society’s assumptions, values and beliefs. This article examines how the UK Coalition government’s 2010 Green Paper, 21st Century Welfare, and the White Paper, Universal Credit: Welfare that Works, assist in constructing a discourse about social security that favours a renewal and deepening of neo-liberalization in the context of threats to its hegemony. The documents marginalize the structural aspects of persistent unemployment and poverty by transforming these into individual pathologies of benefit dependency and worklessness. The consequence is that familiar neo-liberal policy measures favouring the intensification of punitive conditionality and economic rationality can be portrayed as new and innovative solutions to address Britain’s supposedly broken society and restore economic competitiveness.

Understanding Racial Tensions in Northern Ireland: Threat, Paranoia and the Fear of Loss

This paper will explore the development of increased group tensions in Northern Ireland
over the past decade with a special emphasis being placed upon rising racial tensions in cities such
as Belfast and Lisburn. The paper will analyse why Northern Ireland has been described as the new
race-hate capital of Europe and, through a case-study of Loyalism, will argue that if this growth in
racist sentiment is to be prevented, more needs to be done to understand the causes of such feeling,
particularly within loyalist working-class areas. I will argue that society as a whole needs to address
the fears and anxieties of those that perceive themselves to be under threat from the recent increase
in immigration or else we risk creating a new cause célèbre for those that would seek to extend the
lifetime of our paramilitary organisations. Moreover, at a time when loyalist communities feel politically
alienated and lacking representation, there is a real danger of British far-right groups exploiting the
situation and making long-term political capital.