Media presentation and public understanding of stem cells and stem cell research in Hungary

This paper reports on a research project which examined media coverage and audience perceptions of stem cells and stem cell research in Hungary, using focus groups and a media analysis. A background study was also conducted on the Hungarian legal, social and political situation linked to stem cell research, treatment and storage. Our data shows how stem cell research/treatments were framed by the focus group members in terms of medical results/cures and human interest stories – mirroring the dominant frames utilized by the Hungarian press. The spontaneous discourse on stem cells in the groups involved a non-political and non-controversial understanding – also echoing the dominant presentation of the media. Comparing our results with those of a UK study, we found that although there are some similarities, UK and Hungarian focus group participants framed the issue of stem cell research differently in many respects – and these differences often echoed the divergences of the media coverage in the two countries. We conclude by arguing against approaches which attribute only negligible influence to the media – especially in the case of complex scientific topics and when the dominant information source for the public is the media.

DiCER: A distributed consumer experience research method for use in public spaces

Date of Acceptance: 06/03/2015 Acknowledgement: This research was funded by NCR and the Northern Research Partnership

DiCER: A distributed consumer experience research method for use in public spaces

Date of Acceptance: 06/03/2015 Acknowledgement: This research was funded by NCR and the Northern Research Partnership

DiCER: A distributed consumer experience research method for use in public spaces

Date of Acceptance: 06/03/2015 Acknowledgement: This research was funded by NCR and the Northern Research Partnership

Engaging with the public in public engagement with research

Though there is now growing commitment to publicly engaged research, the role and definition of the public in such processes is wide-ranging, contested, and often rather vague. This article addresses this problem by showing that, although there is no single agreed upon theory or way of being public, it is still possible and very important to develop clear, public-centric, understandings of engaged research practice. The article introduces a multi-dimensional framework based on the theoretical literature on the ‘public’, and demonstrates – in the context of a recent engaged research project – how it possible to conceptualise, design and evaluate context-specific formations of the public. Starting from an understanding of publics as mediated and dynamic entities, the article seeks to illuminate some of the choices that researchers face and how the framework can help them navigate these. This article is for all those interested in what it means to address, support and account for an engaged public in contemporary settings.

The Broader Impact of Disability Research: Aligning Public Policy with the Experiences of People with Disabilities and Healthcare Providers

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-07

Analysis of Federal Policy on Public Access to Scientific Research Data

Presentation from the MARAC conference in Pittsburgh, PA on April 14–16, 2016. S13 - Student Poster Session; Analysis of Federal Policy on Public Access to Scientific Research Data

Inter-University Program for Latino Research: Summer Institute for Latino Public Policy

This flyer promotes a one-week intensive training and orientation to public policy and legislative processes through a series of seminars, workshops, site visits to national organizations and meetings with Congressional representatives. The training was held from June 16-21, 2013.

Um estudo das políticas públicas de lazer de Brotas/SP = : Brotas leisure public policies, São Paulo State

Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física

Oral Health in Brazil - Part I: public oral health policies

This paper reviews the historical development of public health policies in Brazil and the insertion of oral health in this context. Since 1988, Brazil established a Unified National Health System ("Sistema Único de Saúde" - SUS), which was conceived to assure access to health actions and services, including oral health. However, a history of lack of access to health services and the health problems faced by the Brazilian population make the process of building and consolidating the SUS extremely challenging. Since 2004, the Oral Health National Policy has proposed a reorientation of the health care model, supported by an adaptation of the working system of Oral Health teams so that they include actions of health promotion, protection and recovery. Human resources should be prepared to act in this system. The qualifying process must take in consideration knowledge evolution, changes in the work process and changes in demographical and epidemiological aspects, according to a perspective of maintaining a balance between technique and social relevance.

Recommendations for folate intake in women: implications for public health strategies

Folate deficiency has been associated with anemia and other adverse outcomes in pregnancy such as neural tube defects. The current recommendations for prevention of such outcomes are difficult to achieve through diet only, and folic acid supplementation and food fortification are feasible public health strategies. However, it is necessary to determine the usual diet and supplement use among women of reproductive age, including an accurate assessment of other dietary micronutrients. In addition to the beneficial effects observed in randomized clinical trials, health risks to the population have also been widely evaluated and discussed in the scientific community: for a minority to benefit from fortification programs, many are exposed to high folic acid intake levels.

Prevalence of Human T-Cell Lymphotropic Virus (HTLV-1/2) in Individuals from Public Health Centers in Mozambique

The prevalence of human T-cell lymphotropic viruses types 1 and 2 (HTLV-1/2) in Mozambique is not known. The present study examined blood samples from 208, 226, and 318 individuals from Northern, Central, and Southern Mozambique, respectively, of all socioeconomic and demographic strata attending public health centers in Mozambique for HTLV-1/2-specific antibodies. Serum samples were assessed for HIV- and HTLV-1/2-specific antibodies by using enzyme immunoassays, and infections with HTLV-1 and -2 were confirmed by using Western blot. An overall HTLV-1/2 prevalence of 2.3% (2.9% in female and 1.1% in male subjects) was observed, and the prevalence of infection increased with age. Regional variation in the prevalence of HIV and HTLV-1/2 was observed; 32.2%, 65.5%, and 44% of individuals tested HIV positive in Northern, Central, and Southern Mozambique, respectively, and 2.4%, 3.9%, and 0.9% tested HTLV-1/2 positive in the same regions. HTLV-1 infection was confirmed in these individuals. No association between HTLV-1 infection and socio-demographic variables or HIV status was detected, although the low number of HTLV-1-positive cases did not allow robust statistical analyses. The results obtained suggest different risk factors and epidemiologic correlates of HIV and HTLV-1 transmission in Mozambique. Furthermore, our results suggested that North and Central Mozambique should be considered endemic regions for HTLV-1 infection. As no cases of HTLV-2 were detected, HTLV-2 appears to have not been introduced into Mozambique.

A Brief History of the Research and Its Ideas

This article is an introduction to the special issue of Sexuality Research & Social Policy, where we share some of the research of our project, ""Relations among 'race,' sexuality and gender in different local and national contexts."" The goal of this project was to develop broad comparative research on race, sexuality, and gender in Brazil, South Africa, and the USA. New signs of identity and contestation were noted during our research. Given the numerous and important changes which are currently in progress in these interlinked fields, we identified important connections between transformations in the symbolic order and social gains, which cannot necessarily be converted into more widespread decreases in social inequality or which can break apart forms of hierarchization and exclusion. The results of our studies in South Africa and Brazil are the focus of this special issue, given that these two contexts are less well known by the American public.

Quality of Reporting of Observational Longitudinal Research

Observational longitudinal research is particularly useful for assessing etiology and prognosis and for providing evidence for clinical decision making. However, there are no structured reporting requirements for studies of this design to assist authors, editors, and readers. The authors developed and tested a checklist of criteria related to threats to the internal and external validity of observational longitudinal studies. The checklist criteria concerned recruitment, data collection, biases, and data analysis and descriptive issues relevant to study rationale, study population, and generalizability. Two raters independently assessed 49 randomly selected articles describing stroke research published from 1999 to 2003 in six journals: American Journal of Epidemiology, Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health, Stroke, Annals of Neurology, Archives of Physical Medicine and Rehabilitation, and American Journal of Physical Medicine and Rehabilitation. On average, 17 of the 33 checklist criteria were reported. Criteria describing the study design were better reported than those related to internal validity. No relation was found between study type (etiologic or prognostic) or word count and quality of reporting. A flow diagram for summarizing participant flow through a study was developed. Editors and authors should consider using a checklist and flow diagram when reporting on observational longitudinal research.

Communism and Public Opinion in Queensland, 1939-1951 : An Explanation of Queensland's Vote in the 1951 Anti-Communist Referendum

The starting point of this thesis was a desire to explain the rapid demise in the popularity which the Communist Party enjoyed in Queensland during the second world war. Wartime Queensland gave the Australian Communist Party its highest state vote and six years later Queensland again gave the Communist Party its highest state vote - this time however, to ban the Party. From this I was led into exploring the changing policies, beliefs and strategies of the Party, as well as the many sub-groups on its periphery, and the shifts in public response to these. In 1939 Townsville elected Australia's first Communist alderman. Five years later, Bowen elected not only Australia's first but also the British Empire's first, Communist state government member. Of the five electorates the Australian Communist Party contested in the 1944 Queensland State elections, in none did the Party's candidate receive less than twenty per-cent of the formal vote. Not only was the Party seemingly enjoying considerable popular support but this was occurring in a State which, but for the Depression years (May 1929 - June 1932) had elected a Labor State Government at every state election since 1915. In the September 1951 Constitution Alteration Referendum, 'Powers To Deal With Communists and Communism', Queensland regist¬ered the nation's highest "Yes" majority - 55.76% of the valid vote. Only two other states registered a majority in favour of the referendum's proposals, Western Australia and Tasmania. As this research was undertaken it became evident that while various trends exhibited at the time, anti-Communism, the work of the Industrial Groups, Labor opportunism, local area feelings, ideological shifts of the Party, tactics of Communist-led unions, etc., were present throughout the entire period, they were best seen when divided into three chronological phases of the Party's history and popularity. The first period covers the consolidation of the Party's post-Depression popularity during the war years as it benefited from the Soviet Union's colossal contribution to the Allied war efforts, and this support continued for some six months or so after the war. Throughout the period Communist strength within the trade union movement greatly increased as did total Party membership. The second period was marked by a rapid series of events starting in March 1946, with Winston Churchill's "Official Opening" of the Cold War by his sweeping attack on Communism and Russia, at Fulton. Several days later the first of a series of long and bitter strikes in Communist-led unions occurred, as the Party mobil¬ized for what it believed would be a series of attacks on the working class from a ruling class, defending a capitalist system on the verge of an economic collapse. It was a period when the Party believed this ruling class was using Labor reformism as a last desperate 'carrot' to get workers to accept their lot within a capitalist economic framework. Out of the Meat Strike emerged the Industrial Groups, who waged not only a determined war against Communist trade union leadership but also encouraged the A.W.U.-influenced State Labor apparatus to even greater anti-Communist antagonisms. The Communist Party's increasing militancy and Labor's resistance to it, ended finally in the collapse of the Chifley Labor government. Characteristically the third period opens with the Communist Party making an another about-face, desperately trying to form an alliance with the Labor Party and curbing its former adventurist industrial policy, as it prepared for Menzies' direct assault. The Communist Party's activities were greatly reduced, a function of both a declining member-ship and, furthermore, a membership reluctant to confront an increasingly hostile society. In examining the changing policies, beliefs and strategies of the Party and the shifts in public response to these, I have tried to distinguish between general trends occurring within Australia and the national party, and trends peculiar to Queensland and the Queensland branch of the Party, The Communist Party suffered a decline in support and membership right across Australia throughout this period as a result of the national policies of the Party, and the changing nature of world politics. There were particular features of this decline that were peculiar to Queensland. I have, however, singled out three features of particular importance throughout the period for a short but more specifically detailed analysis, than would be possible in a purely chronological study: i.e. the Party's structure, the Party's ideological subservience to Moscow, and the general effect upon it of the Cold War.