970 resultados para Poverty reduction


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El cambio climático y los diferentes aspectos del concepto de “desarrollo” están intrínsecamente interconectados. Por un lado, el desarrollo económico de nuestras sociedades ha contribuido a un aumento insostenible de las emisiones de gases de efecto invernadero, las cuales están desestabilizando el sistema climático global, generando al mismo tiempo una distribución desigual de la capacidad de las personas para hacer frente a estos cambios. Por otro lado, en la actualidad existe un amplio consenso sobre que el cambio climático impacta directamente y de manera negativa sobre el denominando desarrollo sostenible. De igual manera, cada vez existe un mayor consenso de que el cambio climático va a desafiar sustancialmente nuestra capacidad de erradicar la pobreza a medio y largo plazo. Ante esta realidad, no cabe duda de que las estrategias de adaptación son esenciales para mantener el desarrollo. Es por esto que hasta el momento, los mayores esfuerzos realizados por unir las agendas globales de la lucha contra la pobreza y del cambio climático se han dado en el entorno de la adaptación al cambio climático. Sin embargo, cada vez son más los actores que defienden, desde distintos escenarios, que existen sinergias entre la mitigación de emisiones y la mejora de las condiciones de vida de las poblaciones más vulnerables, favoreciendo así un “desarrollo sostenible” sin disminuir los recursos financieros destinados a la adaptación. Para hacer efectivo este potencial, es imprescindible identificar diseños de estrategias de mitigación que incrementen los resultados de desarrollo, contribuyendo al desarrollo sostenible al mismo tiempo que a reducir la pobreza. En este contexto se sitúa el objetivo principal de esta investigación, consistente en analizar los co-beneficios locales, para el desarrollo sostenible y la reducción la pobreza, de proyectos de mitigación del cambio climático que se implementan en Brasil. Por co-beneficios se entienden, en el lenguaje de las discusiones internacionales de cambio climático, aquellos beneficios que van más allá de la reducción de emisiones de Gases de Efecto Invernadero (GEI) intrínsecas por definición a los proyectos de mitigación. Los proyectos de mitigación más relevantes hasta el momento bajo el paraguas de la Convención Marco de las Naciones Unidas para el Cambio Climático (CMNUCC), son los denominados Mecanismos de Desarrollo Limpio (MDL) del Protocolo de Kioto. Sin embargo, existen alternativas de proyectos de mitigación (tales como los denominados “estándares adicionales” a los MDL de los Mercados Voluntarios de Carbono y las Tecnologías Sociales), que también serán tenidos en cuenta en el marco de este estudio. La elección del tema se justifica por la relevancia del mismo en un momento histórico en el que se está decidiendo el futuro del régimen climático a partir del año 2020. Aunque en el momento de redactar este documento, todavía no se ha acordado la forma que tendrán los futuros instrumentos de mitigación, sí que se sabe que los co-beneficios de estos instrumentos serán tan importantes, o incluso más, que las reducciones de GEI que generan. Esto se debe, principalmente, a las presiones realizadas en las negociaciones climáticas por parte de los países menos desarrollados, para los cuales el mayor incentivo de formar parte de dichas negociaciones se basa principalmente en estos potenciales co-beneficios. Los resultados de la tesis se estructuran alrededor de tres preguntas de investigación: ¿cómo están contribuyendo los MDL implementados en Brasil a generar co-beneficios que fomenten el desarrollo sostenible y reduzcan la pobreza?; ¿existen proyectos de mitigación en Brasil que por tener compromisos más exigentes en cuanto a su contribución al desarrollo sostenible y/o la reducción de la pobreza que los MDL estén siendo más eficientes que estos en relación a los co-beneficios que generan?; y ¿qué características de los proyectos de mitigación pueden resultar críticas para potenciar sus co-beneficios en las comunidades en las que se implementan? Para dar respuesta a estas preguntas, se ha desarrollado durante cuatro años una labor de investigación estructurada en varias fases y en la que se combinan diversas metodologías, que abarcan desde el desarrollo de un modelo de análisis de cobeneficios, hasta la aplicación del mismo tanto a nivel documental sobre 194 documentos de diseño de proyecto (denominado análisis ex-ante), como a través de 20 casos de estudio (denominado análisis ex-post). Con la realización de esta investigación, se ha confirmado que los requisitos existentes hasta el momento para registrar un proyecto como MDL bajo la CMNUCC no favorecen sustancialmente la generación de co-beneficios locales para las comunidades en las que se implementan. Adicionalmente, se han identificado prácticas y factores, que vinculadas a las actividades intrínsecas de los proyectos de mitigación, son efectivas para incrementar sus co-beneficios. Estas prácticas y factores podrán ser tenidas en cuenta tanto para mejorar los requisitos de los actuales proyectos MDL, como para apoyar la definición de los nuevos instrumentos climáticos. ABSTRACT Climate change and development are inextricably linked. On the one hand, the economic development of our societies has contributed to the unsustainable increase of Green House Gases emissions, which are destabilizing the global climate system while fostering an unequal distribution of people´s ability to cope with these changes. On the other hand, there is now a consensus that climate change directly impacts the so-called sustainable development. Likely, there is a growing agreement that climate change will substantially threaten our capacity to eradicate poverty in the medium and long term. Given this reality, there is no doubt that adaptation strategies are essentials to keep development. This is why, to date, much of the focus on poverty in the context of climate change has been on adaptation However, without diverting resources from adaptation, there may exist the potential to synergize efforts to mitigate emissions, contribute to sustainable development and reduce poverty. To fulfil this potential, it is key identifying how mitigation strategies can also support sustainable development and reduce poverty. In this context, the main purpose of this investigation is to explore the co-benefits, for sustainable development and for poverty reduction, of climate change mitigation projects being implemented in Brazil. In recent years the term co-benefits, has been used by policy makers and academics to refer the potentially large and diverse range of collateral benefits that can be associated with climate change mitigation policies in addition to the direct avoided climate impact benefits. The most relevant mitigation projects developed during the last years under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) are the so-called Clean Development Mechanisms (CDM) of the Kyoto Protocol. Thus, this research will analyse this official mechanism. However, there are alternatives to the mitigation projects (such as the "add-on standards" of the Voluntary Carbon Markets, and the Social Technologies) that will also be assessed as part of the research. The selection of this research theme is justified because its relevance in a historic moment in which proposals for a future climate regime after 2020 are being negotiated. Although at the moment of writing this document, there is not a common understanding on the shape of the new mitigation instruments, there is a great agreement about the importance of the co-benefits of such instruments, which may be even more important for the Least Developed Countries that their expected greenhouse gases emissions reductions. The results of the thesis are structured around three research questions: how are the CDM projects being implemented in Brazil generating local co-benefits that foster sustainable development and poverty reduction?; are other mitigation projects in Brazil that due to their more stringent sustainable development and/o poverty reduction criteria, any more successful at delivering co-benefits than regular CDM projects?; and what are the distinguishing characteristics of mitigation projects that are successful at delivering co-benefits? To answer these research questions, during four years it has been developed a research work structured in several phases and combining various methodologies. Those methodologies cover from the development of a co-benefits assessment model, to the application of such model both to a desktop analysis of 194 project design documents, and to 20 case studies using field data based on site visits to the project sites. With the completion of this research, it has been confirmed that current requirements to register a CDM project under the UNFCCC not substantially favour co-benefits at the local level. In addition, some practices and factors enablers of co-benefits have been identified. These characteristics may be taken into consideration to improve the current CDM and to support the definition of the new international market mechanisms for climate mitigation.

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As doenças tropicais negligenciadas (DTNs) causam um imenso sofrimento para a pessoa acometida e em muitos casos podem levar o indivíduo a morte. Elas representam um obstáculo devastador para a saúde e continuam a ser um sério impedimento para a redução da pobreza e desenvolvimento socioeconômico. Das 17 doenças desse grupo, a leishmaniose, incluindo a leishmaniose cutânea, tem grande destaque devido sua alta incidência, os gastos para o tratamento e as complicações geradas em processos de coinfecção. Ainda mais agravante, os investimentos direcionados ao controle, combate e principalmente a inovação em novos produtos é ainda muito limitado. Atualmente, a academia tem um importante papel na luta contra essas doenças através da busca de novos alvos terapêuticos e também de novas moléculas com potencial terapêutico. É nesse contexto que esse projeto teve como meta a implantação de uma plataforma para a identificação de moléculas com atividade leishmanicida. Como alvo terapêutico, optamos pela utilização da enzima diidroorotato desidrogenase de Leishmania Viannia braziliensis (LbDHODH), enzima de extrema importância na síntese de novo de nucleotídeos de pirimidina, cuja principal função é converter o diidroorotato em orotato. Esta enzima foi clonada, expressa e purificada com sucesso em nosso laboratório. Os estudos permitiram que a enzima fosse caracterizada cineticamente e estruturalmente via cristalografia de raios- X. Os primeiros ensaios inibitórios foram realizados com o orotato, produto da catálise e inibidor natural da enzima. O potencial inibitório do orotato foi mensurado através da estimativa do IC50 e a interação proteína-ligante foi caracterizada através de estudos cristalográficos. Estratégias in silico e in vitro foram utilizadas na busca de ligantes, através das quais foram identificados inibidores para a enzima LbDHODH. Ensaios de validação cruzada, utilizando a enzima homóloga humana, permitiram identificar os ligantes com maior índice de seletividade que tiveram seu potencial leishmanicida avaliado in vitro contra as formas promastigota e amastigota de Leishmania braziliensis. A realização do presente projeto permitiu a identificação de uma classe de ligantes que apresentam atividade seletiva contra LbDHODH e que será utilizada no planejamento de futuras gerações de moléculas com atividade terapêutica para o tratamento da leishmaniose. Além disso, a plataforma de ensaios otimizada permitirá a avaliação de novos grupos de moléculas como uma importante estratégia na busca por novos tratamentos contra a leishmaniose

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The current global development project appears to be premised on the assumption that underlying political debates over development have been settled. An upshot of this is that development is reduced to the theoretical, ideological and legal framework of a neo-liberal political order. However, implicit, and sometimes explicit, political dynamics of development can be rendered from a perspective that foregrounds social struggles. I offer a political analysis of the PRSP initiative by examining its evolution and implications considered within social and political contexts, and by specific reference to the 'poverty reduction' interventions that emerged in the 1980s. I argue that the PRSP initiative is best understood as the formation of a comprehensive extension of neo-liberal strategic responses that emerged in the 1980s. In this context, I discuss the example of microcredit schemes in relation to the PRSP process and demonstrate the analytical significance of micro-political social relations for political analyses of development. The approach I adopt reveals social struggles as relationally constitutive of formations of a hegemonic development discourse otherwise ostensibly rendered in de-contextualized terms. From the perspective of critical development analysis such struggles are the concrete expressions of the contradictions immanent to the dialectic of development through inequality and immiseration in the (re)production of social power.

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Esta dissertação trata de um tema relativamente novo, com literatura escassa, praticamente sem estudos teóricos que o abordem. Referenciais são encontrados em publicações feitas em seminários e palestras bem como em artigos e notas jornalísticas. Esta dissertação se trata de trabalho exploratório, analítico descritivo com base documental. O Programa Bolsa Família, tema central deste trabalho, é uma ferramenta para distribuição de renda que funciona de forma simples e tem sido efetiva para o atendimento de famílias que vivem abaixo da linha de pobreza. Ele é resultado da fusão de vários outros programas dispersos e com efetividade questionável Bolsa Escola, Auxílio Gás e Cartão Alimentação. O Programa Bolsa Família beneficia famílias em situação de pobreza com renda mensal de R$ 70 a R$ 140 per capita e em extrema pobreza com renda mensal abaixo de R$ 70 reais per capita. Também estabelece condicionalidades de educação e saúde. Atualmente, há cerca de 13 milhões de famílias inscritas no Programa Bolsa Família que cumprem as condições do Cadastro Único esta é praticamente a totalidade das famílias pobres segundo critérios do PNAD 2006 (Pesquisa Nacional de Domicílios). Na realidade, houve substancial injeção de recursos em áreas outrora relegadas ao acaso, criando novos consumidores, bem como empreendedores, além de atrair investimentos. Quanto à educação, nota-se que há redução do analfabetismo. Há um crescimento vegetativo do Índice de Desenvolvimento Humano (IDH) no qual o Brasil situa-se em 84⁰ lugar dentre as 187 nações controladas pelo PNUD (Programa das Nações Unidas para o Desenvolvimento) em 2011. As variáveis que compõem o índice crescem timidamente, destaca-se queda no item expectativa de escolaridade esperada das crianças em idade de ingresso na escola (no Brasil, aos seis anos), que caiu no período 2000-2011, esse fato pode indicar falha estrutural no ensino brasileiro. Esse estudo indica que há desenvolvimento socioeconômico em áreas carentes, particularmente na Região Nordeste. Observa-se também a reversão da migração que historicamente era de norte/nordeste a sudeste. Também nota-se redução da taxa de fecundidade das brasileiras, o que é vantajoso. O Brasil também está com a vantagem do Bônus demográfico , quando a população economicamente ativa supera a população dependente, o que é um excelente fator de crescimento por atrair investimentos. Apesar de melhorias observadas na década 2000-2010, elas ainda são insuficientes. Quanto ao desenvolvimento humano , o Brasil está muito distante das nações desenvolvidas, com IDH de 0,718, que cresceu na última década à taxa de 0,769% ao ano. Nesse ritmo, até alcançarmos o IDH norueguês -- primeiro colocado, ou o australiano -- segundo colocado, que é de 0,943 serão necessários 35/36 anos. Isso nos leva a pensar que, a não ser que o acaso nos ajude, o sonho de nos juntarmos aos primeiros é questionável. Com respeito ao Programa Bolsa Família, esse prova ser uma frente social para a eliminação da desigualdade, seus beneficiários eram classificados como pobres e extremamente pobres e foram resgatados.

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In developed countries travel time savings can account for as much as 80% of the overall benefits arising from transport infrastructure and service improvements. In developing countries they are generally ignored in transport project appraisals, notwithstanding their importance. One of the reasons for ignoring these benefits in the developing countries is that there is insufficient empirical evidence to support the conventional models for valuing travel time where work patterns, particularly of the poor, are diverse and it is difficult to distinguish between work and non-work activities. The exclusion of time saving benefits may lead to a bias against investment decisions that benefit the poor and understate the poverty reduction potential of transport investments in Least Developed Countries (LDCs). This is because the poor undertake most travel and transport by walking and headloading on local roads, tracks and paths and improvements of local infrastructure and services bring large time saving benefits for them through modal shifts. The paper reports on an empirical study to develop a methodology for valuing rural travel time savings in the LDCs. Apart from identifying the theoretical and empirical issues in valuing travel time savings in the LDCs, the paper presents and discusses the results of an analysis of data from Bangladesh. Some of the study findings challenge the conventional wisdom concerning the time saving values. The Bangladesh study suggests that the western concept of dividing travel time savings into working and non-working time savings is broadly valid in the developing country context. The study validates the use of preference methods in valuing non-working time saving values. However, stated preference (SP) method is more appropriate than revealed preference (RP) method.

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Herman Chinery-Hesse considers his plans for a new venture, a virtual mall that would enable African producers to sell their products worldwide through a new international payment system based on mobile phones and pre-paid scratch cards. In 2010, his operating company, Black Star Lines (BSL) Ghana Ltd is considering plans to launch shopAfrica53.com, and associated payment and distribution services in Ghana and the UK. This case teaches new approaches to poverty reduction through the realisation of entrepreneurial opportunities at the Bottom of the Pyramid (BoP) and is suitable for courses on social enterprise, entrepreneurship in general, and development studies seeking to incorporate more private sector approaches. It can also be adapted for courses such as international strategy or technology business.

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Recent poverty research focuses on the household responses to poverty through structure vs. agency perspectives. The human agency perspective, however, provides us important insights for looking beyond these simplistic tendencies which assume poor people as inherently passive, or envision them as helpless victims. In Turkey, politicians view poverty as a temporary and manageable problem which can be dealt with the provision of more charity or community support. Migrant networks, informal sector work and social assistance are considered to be important mechanisms that would provide resources for the poor. This paper argues that for some of the poor households none of these mechanisms provide sufficient resources. Instead, neighbourhood-based small-group solidarities and self-help networks enable those poor to develop collective capabilities and make ends meet. The paper also reveals that in Turkey, the implementation of social policies for poverty reduction could bring about relationships of patronage and in some cases contribute to existing inequalities.

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Using data from the 2004 wave of the Afrobarometer survey, this study examines correlates of household hardship in three countries of sub-Saharan Africa: Tanzania, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. Findings provide partial support for the hypothesized relationship. Specifically, poverty reduction initiatives and informal assistance are associated with reduced hardship while civic engagement is related to an increase in household hardship. We also note that certain demographic characteristics are linked to hardship. Policy and practice implications are suggested. © The Author(s) 2011.

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Climate change has been a security issue for mankind since Homo sapiens first emerged on the planet, driving him to find new and better food, water, shelter, and basic resources for survival and the advancement of civilization. Only recently, however, has the rate of climate change coupled with man’s knowledge of his own role in that change accelerated, perhaps profoundly, changing the security paradigm. If we take a ―decades‖ look at the security issue, we see competition for natural resources giving way to Cold War ideological containment and deterrence, itself giving way to non-state terrorism and extremism. While we continue to defend against these threats, we are faced with even greater security challenges that inextricably tie economic, food and human security together and where the flash points may not provide clearly discernable causes, as they will be intrinsically tied to climate change. Several scientific reports have revealed that the modest development gains that can be realized by some regions could be reversed by climate change. This means that climate change is not just a long-term environmental threat as was widely believed, but an economic and developmental disaster that is unfolding. As such, addressing climate change has become central to the development and poverty reduction by the World Bank and other financial institutions. In Latin America, poorer countries and communities, such as those found in Central America, will suffer the hardest because of weaker resilience and greater reliance on climatesensitive sectors such as agriculture. The US should attempt to deliver capability to assist these states to deal with the effects of climate change.

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For the first time in more than fifty years, the domestic and external conflicts in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) are not primarily ideological in nature. Democracy continues to thrive and its promise still inspires hope. In contrast, the illegal production, consumption, and trading of drugs – and its links to criminal gangs and organizations – represent major challenges to the region, undermining several States’ already weak capacity to govern. While LAC macroeconomic stability has remained resilient, illegal economies fill the region, often offering what some States have not historically been able to provide – elements of human security, opportunities for social mobility, and basic survival. Areas controlled by drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) are now found in Central America, Mexico, and the favelas of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, reflecting their competition for land routes and production areas. Cartels such as La Familia, Los Zetas, and Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC-Brazil), among others, operate like trade and financial enterprises that manage millions of dollars and resources, demonstrating significant business skills in adapting to changing circumstances. They are also merciless in their application of violence to preserve their lucrative enterprises. The El Salvador-Guatemala-Honduras triangle in Central America is now the most violent region in the world, surpassing regions in Africa that have been torn by civil strife for years. In Brazil’s favelas and Guatemala’s Petén region, the military is leaving the barracks again; not to rule, however, but to supplement and even replace the law enforcement capacity of weak and discredited police forces. This will challenge the military to apply lessons learned during the course of their experience in government, or from the civil wars that plagued the region for nearly 50 years during the Cold War. Will they be able to conduct themselves according to the professional ethics that have been inculcated over the past 20 years without incurring violations of human rights? Belief in their potential to do good is high according to many polls as the Armed Forces still enjoy a favorable perception in most societies, despite frequent involvement in corruption. Calling them to fight DTOs, however, may bring them too close to the illegal activities they are being asked to resist, or even rekindle the view that only a “strong hand” can resolve national troubles. The challenge of governance is occurring as contrasts within the region are becoming sharper. There is an increasing gap between nations positioned to surpass their “developing nation” status and those that are practically imploding as the judicial, political and enforcement institutions fall further into the quagmire of illicit activities. Several South American nations are advancing their political and economic development. Brazil in particular has realized macro-economic stability, made impressive gains in poverty reduction, and is on track to potentially become a significant oil producer. It is also an increasingly influential power, much closer to the heralded “emerging power” category that it aspired to for most of the 20th century. In contrast, several Central American States have become so structurally deficient, and have garnered such limited legitimacy, that their countries have devolved into patches of State controlled and non-State-controlled territory, becoming increasingly vulnerable to DTO entrenchment. In the Caribbean, the drug and human trafficking business also thrives. Small and larger countries are experiencing the growing impact of illicit economies and accompanying crime and violence. Among these, Guyana and Suriname face greater uncertainty, as they juggle both their internal affairs and their relations with Brazil and Venezuela. Cuba also faces new challenges as it continues focusing on internal rather than external affairs and attempts to ensure a stable leadership succession while simultaneously trying to reform its economy. Loosening the regime’s tight grip on the economy while continuing to curtail citizen’s civil rights will test the leadership’s ability to manage change and prevent a potential socio-economic crisis from turning into an existential threat. Cuba’s past ideological zest is now in the hands of Venezuela’s President Hugo Chavez, who continues his attempts to bring the region together under Venezuelan leadership ideologically based on a “Bolivarian” anti-U.S. banner, without much success. The environment and natural disasters will merit more attention in the coming years. Natural events will produce increasing scales of destruction as the States in the region fail to maintain and expand existing infrastructure to withstand such calamities and respond to their effects. Prospects for earthquakes, tsunamis, and hurricanes are high, particularly in the Caribbean. In addition, there are growing rates of deforestation in nearly every country, along with a potential increase in cross-sector competition for resources. The losers might be small farmers, due to their inability to produce quantities commensurate to larger conglomerates. Regulations that could mitigate these types of situations are lacking or openly violated with near impunity. Indigenous and other vulnerable populations, including African descendants, in several Andean countries, are particularly affected by the increasing extraction of natural resources taking place amongst their terrain. This has led to protests against extraction activities that negatively affect their livelihoods, and in the process, these historically underprivileged groups have transitioned from agenda-based organization to one that is bringing its claims and grievances to the national political agenda, becoming more politically engaged. Symptomatic of these social issues is the region’s chronically poor quality of education that has consistently failed to reduce inequality and prepare new generations for jobs in the competitive global economy, particularly the more vulnerable populations. Simultaneously, the educational deficit is also exacerbated by the erosion of access to information and freedom of the press. The international panorama is also in flux. New security entities are challenging the old establishment. The Union of South American Nations, The South American Defense Council, the socialist Bolivarian Alliance, and other entities seem to be defying the Organization of American States and its own defense mechanisms, and excluding the U.S. And the U.S.’s attention to areas in conflict, namely Iraq, Afghanistan, and Pakistan – rather than to the more stable Latin America and Caribbean – has left ample room for other actors to elbow in. China is now the top trading partner for Brazil. Russian and Iran are also finding new partnerships in the region, yet their links appear more politically inclined than those of China. Finally, the aforementioned increasing commercial ties by LAC States with China have accelerated a return to the preponderance of commodities as sources of income for their economies. The increased extraction of raw material for export will produce greater concern over the environmental impact that is created by the exploitation of natural resources. These expanded trade opportunities may prove counterproductive economically for countries in the region, particularly for Brazil and Chile, two countries whose economic policies have long sought diversification from dependence on commodities to the development of service and technology based industries.

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In the past 20 years, Chile and Venezuela have followed divergent paths of democratic and economic development. When the Cold War ended, Venezuela was one of the few Latin American countries where democracy had survived the authoritarian wave of the 1960 and 1970s. Heralded in the late 1980s as the most stable democracy and one of the most developed and globalized economies in the region, Venezuela has since experienced deterioration of democratic institutions, political polarization, economic stagnation, and instability. In contrast, Chile has experienced a democratic renaissance since 1990. Rapid economic growth, an increasingly efficient public sector, significant reductions in poverty, and improvements in social programs have all made Chile a regional leader in democratic consolidation and sustainable development. Chile emerges as a success story and Venezuela as a country lagging behind in terms of making progress in economic development and poverty reduction. While Chile has developed a democratic system based on institutions, Venezuela has seen its democracy evolve towards increasing concentration of power on the hands of President Hugo Chávez.

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This text deals with transnational strategies of social mobility in Ecuadorian migrant households in Spain. We apply the capital accumulation model (Moser, 2009) for this purpose. The main target of this article is, beyond thinking in terms of capital stock and accumulation, the analysis in depth of the dynamics of the different types of capital, that is to say, how they interact with each other in the framework of the social mobility strategies of the migrants and their families. We are bringing into light the way some households adopt investing decisions in capitals that don't translate into any addition or earnings in all cases, on the contrary, concentrating all their efforts on the accumulation of a certain asset they may, in some cases, lead to a loss of another. We will concentrate our analysis primarily on the dynamics between the physical and financial capital and the social and emotional capital, showing the tensions produced between these two types of assets. At the same time, we will highlight how migrants negotiate their family strategies of social mobility in the transnational area. Our study is based in empirical material obtained from qualitative fieldwork (in-depth interviews) with families of migrants in the urban district of Turubamba Bajo -(south of Quito) and in Madrid. A series of households were selected where interviews were carried out in the country of origin as well as in the context of immigration, with different family members, analysing the transnational social and economic strategies of families of migrant members. Family members of migrants established in Spain were interviewed in Quito, as well as key informants in the district (school teachers, nursery members of the staff, etc.). The research was framed within the projects "Impact of migration on the development: gender and transnationalism", Ministry of Science and Innovation (SEJ2007/63179) (Laura Oso, dir. 2007-2010),"Gender, transnationalism and intergenerational strategies of social mobility", Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness (FEM2011/26210) (Laura Oso, dir. 201-1-2015) and “Gender, Crossed Mobilities and Transnational Dynamics”, Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness (FEM2015-67164).

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Economical achievement of optimal growth in developing countries may lead to sustainable poverty reduction. Agricultural activities play an important role in economy and human being welfare, which leads to establishment of food security and quality. Aquaculture products in developing countries share 51.4 percent of total agricultural production and 241 percent in developed countries. Therefore undoubtedly food production by means of quality and quantity has to be increased .The history of shrimp production goes back to 500 years ago. Today 50 countries of the world produce shrimp. In Islamic Republic of Iran shrimp production started since 1992 in the coastal region of Persian Gulf. The shrimp culture farms can be classified in to 4 different categories; extensive, semi-extensive, intensive and super intensive. Global ecological maintenance is one of the major concerns of authorities Human manipulation of nature is the most destructive activity. Industrial sewage leakage in to the rivers and water sources is a big issue that causes reduction in the aquatic population. Heavy metals have an inhibitory effect in the production and growth of sea life. Human intake of food treated with anti-microbial cause's allergy, hypersensitivity and develops microbial resistance. Organochlorine compounds contamination may found in hepatopancreatic tissue of aquatic products, Arsenic may transfer to man via plant and animal product contamination.

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There are 46 different fish species in the Lake Kyoga basin with some of them endemic. The Nile Perch (Lates niloticus) was introduced into the main Lake Kyoga, Nakuwa and Bisina in the late 1950s to increase the fish production. The Nile Perch profileration in lakes Kyoga and Nakuwa led to the almost complete elimination of many native fish species such as Orechromis esculentus and variabilis, Mormyrus kanumme, Schilbe mystus and several Haplochromines species. Lakes Mburo, Kachera, Nakivali and Kijjanebalora are part of the complex system of lakes separated from Lake Victoria by extended swamps known as the Koki lakes, some of the satellite lakes in the Lake Victoria basin. The fisheries of these lakes are important as they contribute to government efforts of increasing food security, poverty reduction and conservation of natural resource base. These lakes are important biodiversity areas because some of these lakes have been found to contain the native tilapiine Oreochromis esculentus (Ngege), absent or threatened with extinction in the main Lakes Victoria and Kyoga. It’s also important to note that this species is only unique to the Victoria and Kyoga lake basins (Graham, 1929, Worthington, 1929). The values of some of these lake fisheries are however, threatened by human activities such as over exploitation, introduction of exotics especially water hyacinth that is already present in River Rwizi and habitat degradation among others.

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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Educação, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação, 2015.