A propriedade intelectual no mundo contemporâneo no contexto geral das relações de propriedade

Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC

A crítica nietzscheana à democracia moderna

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

As paixões humanas em Thomas Hobbes: entre a ciência e a moral, o medo e a esperança

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Linguagem e política no pensamento de Avram Noam Chomsky

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

O ativismo judicial em investida ao Estado democrático

Pós-graduação em Direito - FCHS

Ontopolíticas e diagramas históricos do poder: maioria e minoria segundo Deleuze e a teoria das multidões segundo Peirce

This article aims at developing the so-called ontopolitics as G. Deleuze s innovative contribution to contemporary political philosophy. This objective will lead us to inspect the concept of power that Deleuze borrowed from Foucault and extended in order to assign to it an ontological adequacy. The concept of power opens access to another important element of the Deleuzean political philosophy, that is, the study of the historical diagrams of the power in the so-called discipline and control societies. With the combined dynamical diagram of both, we become aware of the portrait Deleuze draws for the democracy in contemporary societies. Digging into the Deleuzean ontopolitics, we will devote ourselves to the concepts of majority, minority and minor-becoming. It is in this point that the meeting between Deleuze s ontoplitics and Ch. Sanders Peirce s mathematical ontology becomes sound. It happens that Deleuze s ontopolitical concepts, besides their bond to an ontology of the power, receive also a mathematical treatment related to certain arithmetical (denumerable and nondenumerable) and geometrical notions (lines). The majorities and minorities are denumerable sets which are crossed by nondenumerable becomings. This step done, we will reach the stand point of the present paper, where we carry out initial approach with regard to an image for the concepts of majority and minority on the basis of Peirce s theory of collections and multitudes, mostly envisaging the mathematical ontology included in it. Accordingly, the main operation to be accomplished is that the Deleuzean distinction between the denumerable majorities/minorities and the nondenumerable mino-becoming may be mapped out in terms of discrete collections called enumerable, denumerable and abnumerable or postnumerable, in compliance with Peirce s terminology.

Capacita' e formazione nel liberalismo di Amartya Sen e Martha Nussbaum. Eredita' differenti del pensiero politico per una "cittadinanza del mondo"

Il presente lavoro di ricerca si propone di discutere il contributo che l’analisi dell’evoluzione storica del pensiero politico occidentale e non occidentale riveste nel percorso intellettuale compiuto dai fondatori della teoria contemporanea dell’approccio delle capacità, fondata e sistematizzata nei suoi contorni speculativi a partire dagli anni Ottanta dal lavoro congiunto dell’economista indiano Amartya Sen e della filosofa dell’Università di Chicago Martha Nussbaum. Ci si ripropone di dare conto del radicamento filosofico-politico del lavoro intellettuale di Amartya Sen, le cui concezioni economico-politiche non hanno mai rinunciato ad una profonda sensibilità di carattere etico, così come dei principali filoni intorno ai quali si è imbastita la versione nussbaumiana dell’approccio delle capacità a partire dalla sua ascendenza filosofica classica in cui assume una particolare primazia il sistema etico-politico di Aristotele. Il pensiero politico moderno, osservato sotto il prisma della riflessione sulla filosofia della formazione che per Sen e Nussbaum rappresenta la “chiave di volta” per la fioritura delle altre capacità individuali, si organizzerà intorno a tre principali indirizzi teorici: l’emergenza dei diritti positivi e sociali, il dibattito sulla natura della consociazione nell’ambito della dottrina contrattualista e la stessa discussione sui caratteri delle politiche formative. La sensibilità che Sen e Nussbaum mostrano nei confronti dell’evoluzione del pensiero razionalista nel subcontinente che passa attraverso teorici antichi (Kautylia e Ashoka) e moderni (Gandhi e Tagore) segna il tentativo operato dai teorici dell’approccio delle capacità di contrastare concezioni politiche contemporanee fondate sul culturalismo e l’essenzialismo nell’interpretare lo sviluppo delle tradizioni culturali umane (tra esse il multiculturalismo, il comunitarismo, il neorealismo politico e la teoria dei c.d. “valori asiatici”) attraverso la presa di coscienza di un corredo valoriale incentrato intorno al ragionamento rintracciabile (ancorché in maniera sporadica e “parallela”) altresì nelle tradizioni culturali e politiche non occidentali.

Il dilemma femminista dell'uso politico della violenza in Italia negli anni Settanta e Ottanta: tra pensiero politico e caso storico

Degli anni Settanta si parla, ormai quasi canonicamente, come gli anni della crisi, una crisi che compare quasi simultaneamente fuori e dentro i confini nazionali, e si configura come vera e propria crisi di sistema. Considerando il turning point rappresentato dai Seventies, è diffusa l'interpretazione nel contesto italiano del paradigma politologico secondo il quale è nella mancanza e nelle assenze del sistema politico-istituzionale alle domande di modernizzazione democratica provenienti dalle soggettività che emergono in quella che è stata definita la “stagione dei movimenti” che andrebbero individuate le radici prima della scelta della violenza come strumento di lotta politica e poi del cosiddetto “riflusso”. Questo studio cerca di analizzare le dinamiche e gli sviluppi nella relazione tra movimento femminista e violenza politica in Italia tra anni settanta e anni ottanta. Per comprendere ed analizzare le dinamiche di tale sviluppo è stato necessario prima ricostruire la genealogia del concetto di violenza politica elaborato dalla filosofia politica nel XX secolo e poi confrontarlo con il concetto di violenza proposto dal pensiero femminista nello stesso arco temporale. Allo stesso tempo si è considerato il fenomeno della violenza politicamente motivata agita nel decennio settanta, analizzando le specificità del femminismo stesso, ma anche, la possibilità di individuare lo scarto – politico, ideologico e esistenziale – tra le definizioni date dalla pratica femminista alla categoria di violenza e le peculiarità degli altri movimenti che si muovevano nella scena politica e sociale tra anni settanta e anni ottanta

How Porous are the Walls that Separate Us?: Transformative Service-Learning, Women’s Incarceration, and the Unsettled Self

In this article, we refine a politics of thinking from the margins by exploring a pedagogical model that advances transformative notions of service learning as social justice teaching. Drawing on a recent course we taught involving both incarcerated women and traditional college students, we contend that when communication among differentiated and stratified parties occurs, one possible result is not just a view of the other but also a transformation of the self and other. More specifically, we suggest that an engaged feminist praxis of teaching incarcerated women together with college students helps illuminate the porous nature of fixed markers that purport to reveal our identities (e.g., race and gender), to emplace our bodies (e.g., within institutions, prison gates, and walls), and to specify our locations (e.g., cultural, geographic, socialeconomic). One crucial theoretical insight our work makes clear is that the model of social justice teaching to which we aspired necessitates re-conceptualizing ourselves as students and professors whose subjectivities are necessarily relational and emergent.

The Art of Aidagara: Ethics, Aesthetics, and the Quest for an Ontology of Social Existence in Watsuji Tetsurō’s Rinrigaku

This paper provides an analysis of the key term aidagara (“betweenness”) in the philosophical ethics of Watsuji Tetsurō (1889-1960), in response to and in light of the recent movement in Japanese Buddhist studies known as “Critical Buddhism.” The Critical Buddhist call for a turn away from “topical” or intuitionist thinking and towards (properly Buddhist) “critical” thinking, while problematic in its bipolarity, raises the important issue of the place of “reason” versus “intuition” in Japanese Buddhist ethics. In this paper, a comparison of Watsuji’s “ontological quest” with that of Martin Heidegger (1889-1976), Watsuji’s primary Western source and foil, is followed by an evaluation of a corresponding search for an “ontology of social existence” undertaken by Tanabe Hajime (1885-1962). Ultimately, the philosophico-religious writings of Watsuji Tetsurō allow for the “return” of aesthesis as a modality of social being that is truly dimensionalized, and thus falls prey neither to the verticality of topicalism nor the limiting objectivity of criticalism.

Eros and Transgression in an Age of Immanence: Georges Bataille’s (Religious) Critique of Kinsey

This paper explores the religious implications of eroticism in Western culture since the Sexual Revolution, a period at once applauded for its open and immanent view of sexuality and denounced for its shamelessness and promiscuity. After discussing the work and effects of Alfred C. Kinsey, the father of the Sexual Revolution, I focus on a critical appraisal of Kinsey written by French theorist Georges Bataille (“Kinsey, the Underworld and Work,” in L’Erotisme, 1957). Bataille situates contemporary Western sexuality within a larger historical movement towards the “desacralization” of all aspects of human life: sex, under the scientific gaze of the Kinsey team, became simply another “object” to be analyzed and classified, and “good” sex defined solely in terms of frequency and explosiveness of orgasm. For many, including Hugh Hefner, this approach to sex occasioned a refreshing awakening from the long dark night of Victorian sexual repression. However, as Bataille’s protégé Foucault has shown, the scientific approach to sexuality often masks a desire to control and delimit sexual behaviour, not “liberate” it. Moreover, Bataille makes the point that the desacralization of sexuality denudes sex of a vital component—eroticism—which is necessary for real pleasure and ecstasy. Beyond the “moral” critiques one often hears leveled against Kinsey and his work, Bataille provides a “religious” critique, one that stands, perhaps surprisingly, on the “near side” of sexuality.

Liberation as Revolutionary Praxis: Rethinking Buddhism Materialism

While it is only in recent decades that scholars have begun to reconsider and problematize Buddhist conceptions of “freedom” and “agency,” the thought traditions of Asian Buddhism have for many centuries struggled with questions related to the issue of “liberation”—along with its fundamental ontological, epistemological and ethical implications. With the development of Marxist thought in the mid to late nineteenth century, a new paradigm for thinking about freedom in relation to history, identity and social change found its way to Asia, and confronted traditional religious interpretations of freedom as well as competing Western ones. In the past century, several attempts have been made—in India, southeast Asia, China and Japan—to bring together Marxist and Buddhist worldviews, with only moderate success (both at the level of theory and practice). This paper analyzes both the possibilities and problems of a “Buddhist materialism” constructed along Marxian lines, by focusing in particular on Buddhist and Marxist conceptions of “liberation.” By utilizing the theoretical work of Japanese “radical Buddhist” Seno’o Girō, I argue that the root of the tension lies with conceptions of selfhood and agency—but that, contrary to expectations, a strong case can be made for convergence between Buddhist and Marxian perspectives on these issues, as both traditions ultimately seek a resolution of existential determination in response to alienation. Along the way, I discuss the work of Marx, Engels, Gramsci, Lukàcs, Sartre, and Richard Rorty in relation to aspects of traditional (particularly East Asian Mahāyāna) Buddhist thought.

A Blueprint for Buddhist Revolution: The Radical Buddhism of Seno’o Girō (1889–1961) and the Youth League for Revitalizing Buddhism

In the early decades of the twentieth century, as Japanese society became engulfed in war and increasing nationalism, the majority of Buddhist leaders and institutions capitulated to the status quo. One notable exception to this trend, however, was the Shinkō Bukkyō Seinen Dōmei (Youth League for Revitalizing Buddhism), founded on 5 April 1931. Led by Nichiren Buddhist layman Seno’o Girō and made up of young social activists who were critical of capitalism, internationalist in outlook, and committed to a pan-sectarian and humanist form of Buddhism that would work for social justice and world peace, the league’s motto was “carry the Buddha on your backs and go out into the streets and villages.” This article analyzes the views of the Youth League for Revitalizing Buddhism as found in the religious writings of Seno’o Girō to situate the movement in its social and philosophical context, and to raise the question of the prospects of “radical Buddhism” in twenty-first century Japan and elsewhere.