992 resultados para Political Art


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This article discusses Brazil's multilateral policy under Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva's administration, highlighting economic, political and environmental themes. The main argument is that Brazil's multilateral relations during this government reached a new significance with the reinforcement of international coalitions and the articulation with the country's new development model. The country has been using multilateral forums as a way to achieve international projection and support for its development project, highlighting bargaining aspects, variable geometry coalitions and the strengthening of South-South cooperation

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This study tries to understand how Brazil and Argentina, two countries with chronically high inflation, achieved permanent stabilization by looking at political factors necessary for stabilization. It suggests that, although state autonomy or political unity may contribute to successful price stabilization, reconciling the interests of different stakeholders and thereby building a broad political support base is more essential for stabilization to succeed. Political skills of the leaders and compensatory policies may help raise such support and they are more crucial where other political conditions are less favorable. Also, rapid improvement in the economy is important for sustained political support, and thus, for successful stabilization.

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Diz o art. 53º da Constituição: “É garantida aos trabalhadores a segurança no emprego, sendo proibidos os despedimentos sem justa causa ou por motivos políticos ou ideológicos.”. O direito fundamental da “Segurança no emprego” é uma das principais conquistas da social-democracia e/ou do socialismo democrático europeus, entre outras ideologias políticas e religiosas. Abstract: Says the art. 53 of the Constitution: "It is guaranteed to security workers in employment, being prohibited the unfair dismissal or for political or ideological reasons.". The fundamental right of "Job security" is one of the main achievements of social democracy and / or the European democratic socialism, among other political and religious ideologies.

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A segurança no emprego está consagrada no art. 53º da CRP: “É garantida aos trabalhadores a segurança no emprego, sendo proibidos os despedimentos sem justa causa ou por motivos políticos ou ideológicos”. É também a celebração dum ambiente de trabalho humano em que sejam consagrados os direitos e deveres fundamentais dos trabalhadores, como o direito e dever à saúde laboral e a uma jornada justa de horas de trabalho, o direito e o dever ao descanso, o direito e o dever a formar família, ter filhos e ter tempo para a mesma, o direito e o dever a fazer o próprio trabalho e executar as diferentes tarefas pelas quais está encarregue. § Job security is enshrined in art. 53 of CRP, "is guaranteed to security workers in employment, the redundancies being prohibited without just cause or for political or ideological reasons." It is also the celebration of a human working environment in which the fundamental rights and duties of workers are enshrined, as the right and duty to labor health and a fair day's working hours, the right and the duty to rest, the right and the duty to form families, have children and take time for it, the right and the duty to do the work itself and perform the different tasks for which it is responsible.

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Art. 114º da Constituição da República Portuguesa: “1. Os partidos políticos participam nos órgãos baseados no sufrágio universal e directo, de acordo com a sua representatividade eleitoral. 2. É reconhecido às minorias o direito de oposição democrática, nos termos da Constituição e da lei. 3. Os partidos políticos representados na Assembleia da República e que não façam parte do Governo gozam, designadamente, do direito de serem informados regular e directamente pelo Governo sobre o andamento dos principais assuntos de interesse público, de igual direito gozando os partidos políticos representados nas Assembleias Legislativas das regiões autónomas e em quaisquer outras assembleias designadas por eleição directa relativamente aos correspondentes executivos de que não façam parte.”. § Article 114 of the Constitution of the Portuguese Republic. "1. Political parties shall participate in organs based on direct and universal suffrage, according to their electoral representation. 2. It is recognized minorities the right to democratic opposition, under the Constitution and the law. 3. Political parties represented in Parliament and not forming part of the Government shall, in particular, the right to be informed regularly and directly by the Government on the progress of the main matters of public interest, equal rights enjoying the political parties represented in Legislative Assemblies of the autonomous regions and any other assemblies formed through direct elections with respect to the corresponding executives who are not part. ".

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Nas palavras de Canotilho/Moreira, o regime político português é um Estado-de-partidos, os quais foram elevados à Constituição formal. São expressão da vontade popular (10º/2). São um direito fundamental constitucional. Participar ou fundar um partido é um direito, liberdade e garantia (art. 51º). Participam nos órgãos com base no sufrágio universal e directo. Mas são mediadores pois o poder político é do Povo (art. 108º)! São os partidos que formam a vontade de órgãos como o Governo! Os partidos têm direito a apresentar candidatos aos órgãos; e têm o direito de obter mandatos de acordo com os resultados eleitorais e o método proporcional (art. 113º/5 e 152º/1)… E às Forças Armadas incumbe a defesa militar da República: art. 275º/1 CRP… § In the words of Canotilho / Moreira, the Portuguese political system is a state-parties, which were elevated to the formal Constitution. They are an expression of popular will (10/2). Is a constitutional fundamental right. Participate or found a party is a right, freedom and guarantee (art. 51). Participate in organs based on direct and universal suffrage. But are mediators because political power is the people (art. 108)! Are the parties that form the will of organs such as the Government! The parties are entitled to nominate candidates to the organs; and have the right to obtain mandates in accordance with the election results and the proportional method (Article 113/5 and 152/1.) ... and the Armed Forces have the responsibility for the military defense of the Republic: art. 275/1 CRP ...

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Resumo: 1 – Sumário do Acórdão do Tribunal Constitucional n.º 212/1995, de 20 de Abril; 2 – Parte principal do Acórdão do Tribunal Constitucional n.º 212/1995, de 20 de Abril: cfr. http://www.tribunalconstitucional.pt/tc/acordaos/19950212.html , 18 de Maio de 2012; 3 – Anotação sintética; 3.1 – Introdução à anotação sintética e suas características neste caso concreto; 4 – O RIAECSP (Regime das Infracções Anti-Económicas e Contra a Saúde Pública) e a responsabilidade criminal das pessoas colectivas e equiparadas, prevista no seu art. 3.º; 5 – Societas delinquere non potest?; 6 – Breves traços históricos do brocardo societas delinquere non potest; 7 - Alguns dos marcos relevantes na Doutrina penal portuguesa recente acerca da responsabilidade penal das organizações, entes colectivos, pessoas colectivas, pessoas jurídicas; 8 - Os art.os 12.º/2 e 2.º da CRP e a Responsabilidade Criminal dos Entes Colectivos, pessoas jurídicas; 9 - O art. 29.º/5 da CRP - ou o princípio non bis in idem - e a responsabilidade criminal das organizações, dos entes colectivos, das pessoas colectivas; 10 – Conclusões. § Summary: 1 - Summary Judgment of the Constitutional Court No. 212/1995 of 20 April; 2 - The main part of the Constitutional Court Ruling No. 212/1995 of 20 April: cfr. http://www.tribunalconstitucional.pt/tc/acordaos/19950212.html, May 18, 2012; 3 - short annotation; 3.1 - Introduction to synthetic note and its features in this particular case; 4 - The RIAECSP (Status of Anti-Economic Offences and Against Public Health) and the criminal liability of companies and similar persons, provided for in his art. 3; 5 - delinquere Societas non potest ?; 6 - Brief historical traces of societas aphorism delinquere non potest; 7 - Some of the important milestones in recent Portuguese criminal Doctrine about the criminal liability of organizations, public entities, legal persons, legal entities; 8 - art.os 12/2 and 2 of CRP and Criminal Responsibility of loved Collective, legal entities; 9 - Art. 29/5 CRP - or the principle of non bis in idem - and the criminal liability of organizations, collective entities, of legal persons; 10 - Conclusions.

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This article is the first part of a research on corruption in Brazil and it is theoretical. Despite this, it provides an economic interpretation of corruption using Brazil as a case study. The main objective of this research is to apply some microeconomic tools to understand the "big corruption". However, I am going to show that corruption is not simply a kind of crime. Rather, it is an ordinary economic activity that arises in some institutional environments. Firstly, some corruption cases in Brazil will be described. This article is aimed at showing that democracy itself does not ensure control over corruption. Secondly, I am going to do a very brief survey of institutional changes and controls over corruption in some Western Societies in which I am going to argue that corruption, its control and its illegality depend on institutional evolution by streamlining the constitutional and institutional framework. Thirdly, I am going to explain how some economic models could be adopted for a better understanding of corruption. Finally, I will present a multiple-self model applied to the public agent (politician and bureaucrat) constrained by institutions and pay-off systems.

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The main purpose of this paper is to explore the possibility of articulating Political Discourse Theory (PDT) together with Organizational Studies (OS), while using the opportunity to introduce PDT to those OS scholars who have not yet come across it. The bulk of this paper introduces the main concepts of PDT, discussing how they have been applied to concrete, empirical studies of resistance movements. In recent years, PDT has been increasingly appropriated by OS scholars to problematize and analyze resistances and other forms of social antagonisms within organizational settings, taking the relational and contingent aspects of struggles into consideration. While the paper supports the idea of a joint articulation of PDT and OS, it raises a number of critical questions of how PDT concepts have been empirically used to explain the organization of resistance movements. The paper sets out a research agenda for how both PDT and OS can together contribute to our understanding of new, emerging organizational forms of resistance movements.

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ABSTRACT In this study, we demonstrate that the art infusion effect, in which the presence of visual art causes a positive impact on consumers' perceptions of products and advertising messages, might have a moderation effect on regulatory fit and non-fit messages. We investigate the impact of visual art on advertisement evaluations in regulatory (non-) fit conditions. Regulatory focus theory suggests that consumers rely on their motivational focus (prevention vs. promotion) for their evaluations and decisions. Usually, consumers prefer products that fit with their personal motivational focus. In the present study, the results of three experiments indicate that using visual art with a promotion or prevention fit message is recommended, while non-art images increase message persuasiveness when non-fit messages are presented. Therefore, not all information compatible with the consumer's motivational focus are best evaluated. When non-art images are presented, non-fit messages might be more persuasive.

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This article tests the presence of political budget cycle (PBC) in municipal elections in Brazil and checks whether mayors who adopt such policy have greater probability of reelection. Based on fiscal and electoral data of 5,406 Brazilian municipalities and applying the difference-in-differences econometric method as well as logistic regressions, the results provide some evidence of PBC in Brazil, although its magnitude and consistency varies depending on the years used as electoral and non-electoral years. On average, reelectable mayors spend close to 3% more in election years than nonreelectables. Moreover, reelectables who do run for reelection present a variation in spending which is close to 5% superior to that of non-reelectables and non-runners. Additionally, the results suggest that mayors who increase public spending during electoral periods have greater chances of being reelected, as long as such spending is done within deficit limits acceptable by voters.

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A igreja de Goa é uma filha da expansão portuguesa. Nasceu e cresceu no âmbito do Padroado português do Oriente. Essa ligação beneficiou e prejudicou a sua missão espiritual. Desde 1961 a igreja de Goa enfrenta os desafios da democracia. Apesar da demonstração de progresso visível, há muito caminho para percorrer, particularmente no que diz respeito à administração dos bens temporais da igreja e com maior participação leiga nessa área.