990 resultados para New Deal Bar


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The Connecticut State Medical Society (CSMS) reviews and accredits the continuing medical education (CME) programs offered by Connecticut's hospitals. As part of the survey process, the CSMS assesses the quality of the hospitals' libraries. In 1987, the CSMS adopted the Medical Library Association's (MLA's) “Minimum Standards for Health Sciences Libraries in Hospitals.” In 1990, professional librarians were added to the survey team and, later, to the CSMS CME Committee. Librarians participating in this effort are recruited from the membership of the Connecticut Association of Health Sciences Librarians (CAHSL). The positive results of having a qualified librarian on the survey team and the invaluable impact of adherence to the MLA standards are outlined. As a direct result of this process, hospitals throughout the state have added staffing, increased space, and added funding for resources during an era of cutbacks. Some hospital libraries have been able to maintain a healthy status quo, while others have had proposed cuts reconsidered by administrators for fear of losing valuable CME accreditation status. Creating a relationship with an accrediting agency is one method by which hospital librarians elsewhere may strengthen their efforts to ensure adequate library resources in an era of downsizing. In addition, this collaboration has provided a new and important role for librarians to play on an accreditation team.

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One of the main challenges of fuzzy community detection problems is to be able to measure the quality of a fuzzy partition. In this paper, we present an alternative way of measuring the quality of a fuzzy community detection output based on n-dimensional grouping and overlap functions. Moreover, the proposed modularity measure generalizes the classical Girvan–Newman (GN) modularity for crisp community detection problems and also for crisp overlapping community detection problems. Therefore, it can be used to compare partitions of different nature (i.e. those composed of classical, overlapping and fuzzy communities). Particularly, as is usually done with the GN modularity, the proposed measure may be used to identify the optimal number of communities to be obtained by any network clustering algorithm in a given network. We illustrate this usage by adapting in this way a well-known algorithm for fuzzy community detection problems, extending it to also deal with overlapping community detection problems and produce a ranking of the overlapping nodes. Some computational experiments show the feasibility of the proposed approach to modularity measures through n-dimensional overlap and grouping functions.

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The Lomb periodogram has been traditionally a tool that allows us to elucidate if a frequency turns out to be important for explaining the behaviour of a given time series. Many linear and nonlinear reiterative harmonic processes that are used for studying the spectral content of a time series take into account this periodogram in order to avoid including spurious frequencies in their models due to the leakage problem of energy from one frequency to others. However, the estimation of the periodogram requires long computation time that makes the harmonic analysis slower when we deal with certain time series. Here we propose an algorithm that accelerates the extraction of the most remarkable frequencies from the periodogram, avoiding its whole estimation of the harmonic process at each iteration. This algorithm allows the user to perform a specific analysis of a given scalar time series. As a result, we obtain a functional model made of (1) a trend component, (2) a linear combination of Fourier terms, and (3) the so-called mixed secular terms by reducing the computation time of the estimation of the periodogram.

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Context. Young massive clusters are key to map the Milky Way’s structure, and near-infrared large area sky surveys have contributed strongly to the discovery of new obscured massive stellar clusters. Aims. We present the third article in a series of papers focused on young and massive clusters discovered in the VVV survey. This article is dedicated to the physical characterization of VVV CL086, using part of its OB-stellar population. Methods. We physically characterized the cluster using JHKS near-infrared photometry from ESO public survey VVV images, using the VVV-SkZ pipeline, and near-infrared K-band spectroscopy, following the methodology presented in the first article of the series. Results. Individual distances for two observed stars indicate that the cluster is located at the far edge of the Galactic bar. These stars, which are probable cluster members from the statistically field-star decontaminated CMD, have spectral types between O9 and B0 V. According to our analysis, this young cluster (1.0 Myr < age < 5.0 Myr) is located at a distance of 11+5-6 kpc, and we estimate a lower limit for the cluster total mass of (2.8+1.6-1.4) · 103 M⊙. It is likely that the cluster contains even earlier and more massive stars.

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A novel procedure for the preparation of solid Pd(II)-based catalysts consisting of the anchorage of designed Pd(II)-complexes on an activated carbon (AC) surface is reported. Two molecules of the Ar–S–F type (where Ar is a plane-pyrimidine moiety, F a Pd(II)-ligand and S an aliphatic linker) differing in F, were grafted on AC by π–π stacking of the Ar moiety and the graphene planes of the AC, thus favouring the retaining of the metal-complexing ability of F. Adsorption of Pd(II) by the AC/Ar–S–F hybrids occurs via Pd(II)-complexation by F. After deep characterization, the catalytic activities of the AC/Ar–S–F/Pd(II) hybrids on the hydrogenation of 1-octene in methanol as a catalytic test were evaluated. 100% conversion to n-octane at T = 323.1 K and P = 15 bar, was obtained with both catalysts and most of Pd(II) was reduced to Pd(0) nanoparticles, which remained on the AC surface. Reusing the catalysts in three additional cycles reveals that the catalyst bearing the F ligand with a larger Pd-complexing ability showed no loss of activity (100% conversion to n-octane) which is assigned to its larger structural stability. The catalyst with the weaker F ligand underwent a progressive loss of activity (from 100% to 79% in four cycles), due to the constant aggregation of the Pd(0) nanoparticles. Milder conditions, T = 303.1 K and P = 1.5 bar, prevent the aggregation of the Pd(0) nanoparticles in this catalyst allowing the retention of the high catalytic efficiency (100% conversion) in four reaction cycles.

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This layer is a georeferenced raster image of the United States Geological Survey 7.5 minute topographic sheet map entitled: New York and vicinity : Sandy Hook, N.J.-N.Y., 1954. It is part of an 8 sheet map set covering the metropolitan New York City area. It was published in 1961. Scale 1:24,000. The source map was prepared by the Geological Survey from 1:24,000-scale maps of Sandy Hook, Keyport, Marlboro, and Long Branch 1954 7.5 minute quadrangles compiled by the Army Map Service. Culture revised by the Geological Survey. Hydrography compiled from USC&GS charts 286, 369, and 824. The image inside the map neatline is georeferenced to the surface of the earth and fit to the Universal Transverse Mercator (UTM) Zone 18N NAD27 projection. All map collar and inset information is also available as part of the raster image, including any inset maps, profiles, statistical tables, directories, text, illustrations, index maps, legends, or other information associated with the principal map. USGS maps are typical topographic maps portraying both natural and manmade features. They show and name works of nature, such as mountains, valleys, lakes, rivers, vegetation, etc. They also identify the principal works of humans, such as roads, railroads, boundaries, transmission lines, major buildings, etc. Relief is shown with standard contour intervals of 10 and 20 feet; depths are shown with contours and soundings. Please pay close attention to map collar information on projections, spheroid, sources, dates, and keys to grid numbering and other numbers which appear inside the neatline. This layer is part of a selection of digitally scanned and georeferenced historic maps from The Harvard Map Collection as part of the Imaging the Urban Environment project. Maps selected for this project represent major urban areas and cities of the world, at various time periods. These maps typically portray both natural and manmade features at a large scale. The selection represents a range of regions, originators, ground condition dates, scales, and purposes.

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Thesis (Master, Civil Engineering) -- Queen's University, 2016-06-01 00:03:02.939

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Following the convincing election of Petro Poroshenko as Ukraine’s new President, Michael Emerson puts forward 15 steps with a view to creating a fresh start for Ukraine, the EU and Russia and their neighbourhood policies.

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THIS DOCUMENT CONTAINS A COLLECTION OF ARTICLES WHICH ARE AVAILABLE ON THE ARCHIVE AS SEPARATE ARTICLES. There has been a lot of attention on the current transition of power taking place in Brussels. The new EU leadership will be confronted with a number of internal and external challenges. They will have deal with economic stagnation, the negative effects of fragmentation and the need to increase the Union's legitimacy. There is no better moment to take stock of the ‘state of the Union’ and to look ahead into the next European political cycle (2014-2019), focusing not on personalities but on content: what challenges do we face and what should the EU focus on in the coming years? These new beginnings will encounter new challenges, and who better understands the issues than some of the key players in European politics. Challenge Europe brings these players together and explores what social, political and economic challenges are facing Europe, and its’ citizens.

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During the last political cycle (2009-2014), the European Union (EU) went through the worst crisis of its history. In the months and years to come, the new EU leadership and Member States will have to take major decisions if Europeans want to sustainably overcome the crisis, prepare themselves for the manifold internal and external tests ahead, and provide the grounds for Europe to exploit more of its potential and meet the needs and expectations of citizens. The outcome of this venture is unclear considering the 'state of the Union' and the current mood in Brussels and national capitals. But one thing seems rather certain: to generate active support from citizens and elites, future developments at European and national level need to be driven by confidence and renewed ambition and not, as in the past years, by fear first – fear of a euro implosion; or of an involuntary exit from the common currency with unforeseeable consequences. In order to take strategic decisions about the Union's future, there is a need to identify and address the key challenge(s) and provide a coherent and holistic response on the grounds of an ambitious but at the same time pragmatic 'package deal', taking into account the diverging interests of Member States and their citizens. But what is the state of affairs, what is the key strategic challenge and how can the new EU leadership cope with it in the next political cycle (2014-2019)?

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In the last five years deep cracks have appeared in the European project. The 'euro-area crisis' triggered by a severe global financial and economic crisis has put European integration to a major test, more profound than ever before. The experience of recent years has revealed and exacerbated significant deficiencies in the European Union's (EU) economic and political construction. At time it has cast doubt on fundamentals of the European project and raised questions about whether Europe will be able to deal effectively not only with the immediate crisis, but also with the many other serious socio-economic, politico-institutional, societal and global challenges that Europe is and will be confronted with. At the start of a new institutional-political cycle (2014-2019) and while the crisis situation has for a number of reasons improved significantly since the summer of 2012, at least in systemic terms, the Union's new leadership and Member States will now have to take strategic decisions about the future of European integration.

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From the Introduction. There have been major changes in the balance of forces among the key Ukrainian oligarchs, representatives of big business with strong political influence, since the victory of the Maidan revolution. However, these changes have not undermined the oligarchic system per se. Over the past decade or so, the oligarchs have been key players in Ukrainian politics and economy, and they have retained this position until the present. One of the effects of the change of the government in Kyiv and the war in the Donbas was the elimination of the influence of ‘the family’ – the people from Viktor Yanukovych’s inner circle who formed the most expansive oligarchic group in Ukraine at the time of his presidency. The influence of Rinat Akhmetov, the country’s wealthiest man, has also weakened significantly; Akhmetov was one of the most influential people in Ukraine for more than ten years, partly owing to his close bonds with Yanukovych. Dmytro Firtash’s group has also lost a great deal of its influence since Firtash was arrested in Austria in March 2014.

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Cardiff has the potential to turn into a “great meeting”, if the focus is on forging a new and attractive narrative to underpin a solid transatlantic security relationship, in which NATO finds its place. But Europeans must become serious on defence – and not only because the US asks for it. Otherwise, the EU and for sure the European States will become strategic bystanders and even objects of great power competition. That would be a real game-changer. That is why, in Cardiff, “we” ought to be ambitious enough to deal with the real issues, including the relationship between NATO and the CSDP.

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After years of unchallenged commercial domination of a sizeable portion of the EU's gas market, Gazprom is confronted with a statement of objections issued on 22 April by the EU Commission for abusing its dominant market position. The company was already prevented from going ahead with its South Stream project aimed at consolidating Gazprom's grip on Southeast Europe's markets by bypassing Ukraine – due to alleged non-compliance of intergovernmental agreements with the EU regulatory framework. Furthermore, it walked away from negotiations that could have allowed it to access more than 50% of the OPAL pipeline – an onshore branch of the offshore Russian German Nord Stream pipeline –, whilst its attempts to go downstream through the acquisition of European distribution and transmission operators, such as Wingas and DESFA, failed due to current political tensions and the risk of a negative Commission ruling on the operation. Does this mean that the Russian gas behemoth – so often portrayed as the energy arm of the Kremlin – is not so powerful after all? This Policy Brief aims to frame the erosion of Gazprom's power in a wider perspective, analysing its peculiar position at a time of transition, with the global gas business going from a sellers' to a buyers' market, and providing recommendations on how Europe should deal with it. It will be argued that Gazprom – despite still being affected by the Kremlin's political priorities – is moving towards more commercially sound behavior. The EU should profit from this evolution without being tempted by mercantilist options, and rather use the political momentum provided by the energy union to remove barriers to solidarity and to increase competition on the trading platforms.

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The five permanent members of the UN Security Council (the USA, the United Kingdom, China, France and Russia) plus Germany and the European Union signed a deal with Iran on 14 July in Vienna (a Plan of Action with five appendices, henceforth referred to as the Vienna Agreement). Under this agreement, Iran undertook to restrict its nuclear programme and to bring it under international scrutiny for 15 years in exchange for a gradual lifting of international sanctions (both those imposed between 2006 and 2010 by the UN Security Council and the unilateral US and EU sanctions). Even though Russia has officially reacted positively to this deal, the consequences it will have are rather ambiguous from Moscow’s point of view. Iran looks set to become stronger and will possibly normalise its relations with the West, and especially the United States. This, in political terms, is a disadvantage for Russia. The Kremlin’s ability to use its policy towards Iran as a bargaining chip in contacts with Washington will be reduced significantly. In turn, the benefits will include improving the perception of Russia in the West and the opening up of new opportunities for the geopolitical game in the region, both with Iran and its opponents in the Arab world. Similarly, in economic terms, the possible lifting of sanctions will offer Russia new opportunities to achieve immediate benefits owing to co-operation in the nuclear and military-technical areas. In the short term, the lifting of sanctions will not pose any threat to Russia’s position on the global energy markets. However, in the long term, the end of Iran’s international isolation may bring negative consequences for Russia, such as the dominant position of Western and/or Chinese companies in the Iranian upstream sector, rising exports of Iranian oil and gas to EU and Asian markets (which are essential for Russia) and the downward pressure on oil and gas prices.