Plant composition modulates arthropod pest and predator abundance: Evidence for culling exotics and planting natives

We investigate the role of plant species in crops, pasture and native vegetation remnants in supporting agronomic pests and their predators. The study was conducted in three Australian States and across 290 sites sampled monthly for two years. Pastures played a key role in harbouring pest species consistent across States, while native vegetation hosted relatively more predators than other habitat types within each State. Furthermore, native plant species supported the lowest pest density and more predators than pests; in contrast, 75 of the exotic weed species surveyed hosted more pests than predators. Despite the role of pasture in harbouring pests, we found in NSW that pasture also supported the highest proportion of juvenile predators, while native vegetation remnants had the lowest. Our results indicate that non-crop habitat (native remnants or pasture) with few exotic weeds supports high predator and low pest arthropod densities, and that weeds are associated with high pest densities. By linking broad response variables such as ‘all pests’ with specific predictors such as ‘plant species’, our study will inform on-farm management actions of which weeds to control and which natives to plant or regenerate. This study shows the importance of knowing the function of habitats and plants species in supporting pests and predators in agricultural landscapes across multiple regions.

Greenwashing the Trans-Pacific Partnership: Fossil fuels, the environment, and climate change

There has been much controversy over the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) – a plurilateral trade agreement involving a dozen nations from throughout the Pacific Rim – and its impact upon the environment, biodiversity, and climate change. The secretive treaty negotiations involve Australia and New Zealand; countries from South East Asia such as Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia, Singapore, Vietnam, and Japan; the South American nations of Peru and Chile; and the members of the 1994 North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), Canada, Mexico and the United States. There was an agreement reached between the parties in October 2015. The participants asserted: ‘We expect this historic agreement to promote economic growth, support higher-paying jobs; enhance innovation, productivity and competitiveness; raise living standards; reduce poverty in our countries; and to promote transparency, good governance, and strong labor and environmental protections.’ The final texts of the agreement were published in November 2015. There has been discussion as to whether other countries – such as Indonesia, the Philippines, and South Korea – will join the deal. There has been much debate about the impact of this proposed treaty upon intellectual property, the environment, biodiversity and climate change. There have been similar concerns about the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) – a proposed trade agreement between the United States and the European Union. In 2011, the United States Trade Representative developed a Green Paper on trade, conservation, and the environment in the context of the TPP. In its rhetoric, the United States Trade Representative has maintained that it has been pushing for strong, enforceable environmental standards in the TPP. In a key statement in 2014, the United States Trade Representative Mike Froman insisted: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative maintained: ‘Our proposals in the TPP are centered around the enforcement of environmental laws, including those implementing multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) in TPP partner countries, and also around trailblazing, first-ever conservation proposals that will raise standards across the region’. Moreover, the United States Trade Representative asserted: ‘Furthermore, our proposals would enhance international cooperation and create new opportunities for public participation in environmental governance and enforcement.’ The United States Trade Representative has provided this public outline of the Environment Chapter of the TPP: A meaningful outcome on environment will ensure that the agreement appropriately addresses important trade and environment challenges and enhances the mutual supportiveness of trade and environment. The Trans-Pacific Partnership countries share the view that the environment text should include effective provisions on trade-related issues that would help to reinforce environmental protection and are discussing an effective institutional arrangement to oversee implementation and a specific cooperation framework for addressing capacity building needs. They also are discussing proposals on new issues, such as marine fisheries and other conservation issues, biodiversity, invasive alien species, climate change, and environmental goods and services. Mark Linscott, an assistant Trade Representative testified: ‘An environment chapter in the TPP should strengthen country commitments to enforce their environmental laws and regulations, including in areas related to ocean and fisheries governance, through the effective enforcement obligation subject to dispute settlement.’ Inside US Trade has commented: ‘While not initially expected to be among the most difficult areas, the environment chapter has emerged as a formidable challenge, partly due to disagreement over the United States proposal to make environmental obligations binding under the TPP dispute settlement mechanism’. Joshua Meltzer from the Brookings Institute contended that the trade agreement could be a boon for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim: Whether it is depleting fisheries, declining biodiversity or reduced space in the atmosphere for Greenhouse Gas emissions, the underlying issue is resource scarcity. And in a world where an additional 3 billion people are expected to enter the middle class over the next 15 years, countries need to find new and creative ways to cooperate in order to satisfy the legitimate needs of their population for growth and opportunity while using resources in a manner that is sustainable for current and future generations. The TPP parties already represent a diverse range of developed and developing countries. Should the TPP become a free trade agreement of the Asia-Pacific region, it will include the main developed and developing countries and will be a strong basis for building a global consensus on these trade and environmental issues. The TPP has been promoted by its proponents as a boon to the environment. The United States Trade Representative has maintained that the TPP will protect the environment: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the TPP negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative discussed ‘Trade for a Greener World’ on World Environment Day. Andrew Robb, at the time the Australian Trade and Investment Minister, vowed that the TPP will contain safeguards for the protection of the environment. In November 2015, after the release of the TPP text, Rohan Patel, the Special Assistant to the President and Deputy Director of Intergovernmental Affairs, sought to defend the environmental credentials of the TPP. He contended that the deal had been supported by the Nature Conservancy, the International Fund for Animal Welfare, the Joint Ocean Commission Initiative, the World Wildlife Fund, and World Animal Protection. The United States Congress, though, has been conflicted by the United States Trade Representative’s arguments about the TPP and the environment. In 2012, members of the United States Congress - including Senator Ron Wyden (D-OR), Olympia Snowe (R-ME), and John Kerry (D-MA) – wrote a letter, arguing that the trade agreement needs to provide strong protection for the environment: ‘We believe that a '21st century agreement' must have an environment chapter that guarantees ongoing sustainable trade and creates jobs, and this is what American businesses and consumers want and expect also.’ The group stressed that ‘A binding and enforceable TPP environment chapter that stands up for American interests is critical to our support of the TPP’. The Congressional leaders maintained: ‘We believe the 2007 bipartisan congressional consensus on environmental provisions included in recent trade agreements should serve as the framework for the environment chapter of the TPP.’ In 2013, senior members of the Democratic leadership expressed their opposition to granting President Barack Obama a fast-track authority in respect of the TPP House of Representatives Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi said: ‘No on fast-track – Camp-Baucus – out of the question.’ Senator Majority leader Harry Reid commented: ‘I’m against Fast-Track: Everyone would be well-advised to push this right now.’ Senator Elizabeth Warren has been particularly critical of the process and the substance of the negotiations in the TPP: From what I hear, Wall Street, pharmaceuticals, telecom, big polluters and outsourcers are all salivating at the chance to rig the deal in the upcoming trade talks. So the question is, Why are the trade talks secret? You’ll love this answer. Boy, the things you learn on Capitol Hill. I actually have had supporters of the deal say to me ‘They have to be secret, because if the American people knew what was actually in them, they would be opposed. Think about that. Real people, people whose jobs are at stake, small-business owners who don’t want to compete with overseas companies that dump their waste in rivers and hire workers for a dollar a day—those people, people without an army of lobbyists—they would be opposed. I believe if people across this country would be opposed to a particular trade agreement, then maybe that trade agreement should not happen. The Finance Committee in the United States Congress deliberated over the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations in 2014. The new chair Ron Wyden has argued that there needs to be greater transparency in trade. Nonetheless, he has mooted the possibility of a ‘smart-track’ to reconcile the competing demands of the Obama Administration, and United States Congress. Wyden insisted: ‘The new breed of trade challenges spawned over the last generation must be addressed in imaginative new policies and locked into enforceable, ambitious, job-generating trade agreements.’ He emphasized that such agreements ‘must reflect the need for a free and open Internet, strong labor rights and environmental protections.’ Elder Democrat Sander Levin warned that the TPP failed to provide proper protection for the environment: The TPP parties are considering a different structure to protect the environment than the one adopted in the May 10 Agreement, which directly incorporated seven multilateral environmental agreements into the text of past trade agreements. While the form is less important than the substance, the TPP must provide an overall level of environmental protection that upholds and builds upon the May 10 standard, including fully enforceable obligations. But many of our trading partners are actively seeking to weaken the text to the point of falling short of that standard, including on key issues like conservation. Nonetheless, 2015, President Barack Obama was able to secure the overall support of the United States Congress for his ‘fast-track’ authority. This was made possible by the Republicans and dissident Democrats. Notably, Oregon Senator Ron Wyden switched sides, and was transformed from a critic of the TPP to an apologist for the TPP. For their part, green political parties and civil society organisations have been concerned about the secretive nature of the negotiations; and the substantive implications of the treaty for the environment. Environmental groups and climate advocates have been sceptical of the environmental claims made by the White House for the TPP. The Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand, the Australian Greens and the Green Party of Canada have released a joint declaration on the TPP observing: ‘More than just another trade agreement, the TPP provisions could hinder access to safe, affordable medicines, weaken local content rules for media, stifle high-tech innovation, and even restrict the ability of future governments to legislate for the good of public health and the environment’. In the United States, civil society groups such as the Sierra Club, Public Citizen, WWF, the Friends of the Earth, the Rainforest Action Network and 350.org have raised concerns about the TPP and the environment. Allison Chin, President of the Sierra Club, complained about the lack of transparency, due process, and public participation in the TPP talks: ‘This is a stealth affront to the principles of our democracy.’ Maude Barlow’s The Council of Canadians has also been concerned about the TPP and environmental justice. New Zealand Sustainability Council executive director Simon Terry said the agreement showed ‘minimal real gains for nature’. A number of organisations have joined a grand coalition of civil society organisations, which are opposed to the grant of a fast-track. On the 15th January 2013, WikiLeaks released the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP - along with a report by the Chairs of the Environmental Working Group. Julian Assange, WikiLeaks' publisher, stated: ‘Today's WikiLeaks release shows that the public sweetener in the TPP is just media sugar water.’ He observed: ‘The fabled TPP environmental chapter turns out to be a toothless public relations exercise with no enforcement mechanism.’ This article provides a critical examination of the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP. The overall argument of the article is that the Environment Chapter of the TPP is an exercise in greenwashing – it is a public relations exercise by the United States Trade Representative, rather than a substantive regime for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim. Greenwashing has long been a problem in commerce, in which companies making misleading and deceptive claims about the environment. In his 2012 book, Greenwash: Big Brands and Carbon Scams, Guy Pearse considers the rise of green marketing and greenwashing. Government greenwashing is also a significant issue. In his book Storms of My Grandchildren, the climate scientist James Hansen raises his concerns about government greenwashing. Such a problem is apparent with the TPP – in which there was a gap between the assertions of the United States Government, and the reality of the agreement. This article contends that the TPP fails to meet the expectations created by President Barack Obama, the White House, and the United States Trade Representative about the environmental value of the agreement. First, this piece considers the relationship of the TPP to multilateral environmental treaties. Second, it explores whether the provisions in respect of the environment are enforceable. Third, this article examines the treatment of trade and biodiversity in the TPP. Fourth, this study considers the question of marine capture fisheries. Fifth, there is an evaluation of the cursory text in the TPP on conservation. Sixth, the article considers trade in environmental services under the TPP. Seventh, this article highlights the tensions between the TPP and substantive international climate action. It is submitted that the TPP undermines effective and meaningful government action and regulation in respect of climate change. The conclusion also highlights that a number of other chapters of the TPP will impact upon the protection of the environment – including the Investment Chapter, the Intellectual Property Chapter, the Technical Barriers to Trade Chapter, and the text on public procurement.

Directional dominance on stature and cognition in diverse human populations

Homozygosity has long been associated with rare, often devastating, Mendelian disorders1, and Darwin was one of the first to recognize that inbreeding reduces evolutionary fitness2. However, the effect of the more distant parental relatedness that is common in modern human populations is less well understood. Genomic data now allow us to investigate the effects of homozygosity on traits of public health importance by observing contiguous homozygous segments (runs of homozygosity), which are inferred to be homozygous along their complete length. Given the low levels of genome-wide homozygosity prevalent in most human populations, information is required on very large numbers of people to provide sufficient power3, 4. Here we use runs of homozygosity to study 16 health-related quantitative traits in 354,224 individuals from 102 cohorts, and find statistically significant associations between summed runs of homozygosity and four complex traits: height, forced expiratory lung volume in one second, general cognitive ability and educational attainment (P < 1 × 10−300, 2.1 × 10−6, 2.5 × 10−10 and 1.8 × 10−10, respectively). In each case, increased homozygosity was associated with decreased trait value, equivalent to the offspring of first cousins being 1.2 cm shorter and having 10 months’ less education. Similar effect sizes were found across four continental groups and populations with different degrees of genome-wide homozygosity, providing evidence that homozygosity, rather than confounding, directly contributes to phenotypic variance. Contrary to earlier reports in substantially smaller samples5, 6, no evidence was seen of an influence of genome-wide homozygosity on blood pressure and low density lipoprotein cholesterol, or ten other cardio-metabolic traits. Since directional dominance is predicted for traits under directional evolutionary selection7, this study provides evidence that increased stature and cognitive function have been positively selected in human evolution, whereas many important risk factors for late-onset complex diseases may not have been.

Aktivistit vasta- ja valtajulkisuudessa - vastademokratian visuaaliset kehykset aktivistien Internet-sivustoilla ja Helsingin Sanomissa 2000-luvulla

Tarkastelen pro gradu -tutkielmassani sosiaalisten liikkeiden visuaalista vasta- ja valtajulkisuutta vertailemalla aktivistien omia Internet-sivustoja ja Helsingin Sanomia. Tutkimukseni tarkoituksena on tuoda uutta tietoa vastademokraattisen toiminnan ja toimijuuden muotoutumisesta vasta- ja valtajulkisuuksissa ja näiden julkisuuksien välisestä suhteesta paikallistasolla Suomessa. Tutkin, minkälaista vastademokraattista toimintaa sosiaaliset liikkeet tuovat esiin kuvissa omilla Internet-sivustoillaan. Näitä kuvia vertaan samoista tapahtumista julkaistuihin Helsingin Sanomien – valtajulkisuuden – kuviin. Analysoin, minkälaista toimintaa tuodaan esiin ja miten toiminnan esittäminen eroaa aineistojen välillä. Lopuksi tarkastelen vastademokraattisen toimijuuden visuaalisia representaatioita sukupuolen ja iän näkökulmista. Tutkielmani aineistona on kolme aktivistien ylläpitämää uutissivustoa, yksi kansalaisjärjestöjen kuvapankki ja vertailuaineistona Helsingin Sanomat. Aineistossani on kuvia yhteensä 443 ja ne on julkaistu vuosina 2000–2010. Kaikissa kuvissa tapahtumapaikkana on Helsinki. Tutkimusmenetelmänä käytän Eeva Luhtakallion soveltamaa Erving Goffmanin kehysanalyysiä, jossa pyritään etsimään aineistolähtöisesti kuvissa esitettyä toimintaa määrittäviä kehyksiä. Teoreettisen lähtökohdan tutkimukselleni muodostavat Pierre Rosanvallonin teoria vastademokratiasta ja Nancy Fraserin määritelmä useasta julkisuudesta. Kuvissa representoidun toiminnan kautta muodostuu kahdeksan eri määräävää kehystä: mielenosoitus, karnevaali, merkintä, valtaus, konflikti, kontrolli, sisäinen toiminta ja tiedotus. Määräävät kehykset kuvaavat aktivistien harjoittamaa vastademokraattista toimintaa ja muiden toimijoiden reaktioita siihen. Mielenosoitus, merkintä, valtaus ja karnevaali kuvaavat erilaisia kollektiivisen protestin muotoja, kontrolli ja konflikti taas tuovat esiin tämän toiminnan seurausta ja eri toimijoiden kohtaamista. Kuvissa näyttäytyy myös liikkeen sisäistä toimintaa ja liikkeestä tiedottamista sinällään ilman varsinaista protestia. Iän kannalta kuvien vastademokraattisesta toiminnasta muotoutui nuorten ja nuorten aikuisten toimintaa. Sukupuolen kannalta toiminta taas osoittautui yllättävän sukupuolittuneeksi: mikäli toimija oli erikseen nostettu valokuvassa esiin, oli tämä useimmiten mies. Miehet olivat toimijoina etenkin liikkeen johdossa ja konfliktin määräävässä kehyksessä. Naisia taas representoitiin vastajulkisuudessa yllättävästi äitiyden kautta. Aktivistiaineistossa ja lehtiaineistossa suhtauduttiin osittain eri tavalla aktivistien toimintaan vaikka kuvat visuaalisesti muistuttivat toisiaan. Tämä ilmeni kuvia ympäröivissä otsikoissa ja kuvateksteissä, jotka vaikuttivat kuvista syntyviin tulkintoihin. Kuvien virittämisessä tekstein liikuttiin hyväksynnästä neutraaliin uutisointiin, siitä taas kohti epäilyttävää toimintaa, josta siirryttiin lopulta toiminnan tuomitsemiseen. Kuvateksteissä välittyi kamppailua vastademokraattisen toiminnan oikeutuksesta: onko kyseessä demokratiaan kuuluvaa kansalaisaktivismia vai yhteiskuntajärjestyksen rikkomista rettelöimällä. Julkisuuksista muodostui visuaalisen kamppailun kenttä, jolla eri toimijat pyrkivät muovaamaan sosiaalisista liikkeistä syntyviä käsityksiä. Sosiaaliset liikkeet ja tiedotusvälineet eivät olekaan tutkielmani perusteella pelkästään toisiaan täydentäviä vastademokraattisia toimijoita, vaan eri julkisuuksien ja vastademokraattisten toimijoiden välillä on sekä legitimiteettikonflikti että määrittelykamppailu: kuka voi esittää kenet ja mistä näkökulmasta.

Tarvitaanko demokratiassa keskustelua? Julkinen alue demokraattisen legitimiteetin tuottajana

Pyrin Pro gradu -tutkielmassani hahmottamaan ne tekijät, jotka konstituoivat julkista aluetta demokraattista legitimiteettiä tuottavana poliittisena foorumina. Työni keskiössä on deliberatiivisen demokratian teorian ydinajatus, että ihmiset ja ihmisryhmät kykenevät muodostamaan mielipiteensä ja tuomaan sen esille julkisissa keskusteluissa. Hyvin argumentoitu vaade ryhmän oikeuksien puolesta kerää julkista kannatusta muualtakin kuin asianomaisen ryhmän sisältä. Tämä puolestaan saa aikaan poliittisia muutoksia. Ryhmä, jota yhdistää epäoikeudenmukaisuuden kokemus, tuo agendansa julkisuuteen ja pyrkii vaikuttamaan yleiseen mielipiteeseen ja sitä kautta poliittiseen päätöksentekoon. Oleellinen kysymys tässä kontekstissa on, kuinka paljon yleisen mielipiteen tulisi vaikuttaa poliittiseen päätöksentekoon ja minkälaisiin aiheisiin poliittisesti vaikuttava yleinen mielipide on rajattu. Keskustelun julkisen alueen demokraattistra legitimiteettiä tuottavasta voimasta käynnisti Jürgen Habermasin teos Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit vuonna 1962. Olen käyttänyt kyseisen teoksen lisäksi lähteinäni Habermasin myöhäisempää tuotantoa. Habermasin pääasiallisina kommentaattoreina työssäni toimivat John Rawls, Nancy Fraser, Chantal Mouffe ja Seyla Benhabib. Tarkastelutapani on systemaattinen. Pyrin selventämään julkisen alueen käsitettä sekä liittyen julkiselle alueelle postuloituihin funktioihin, episteemiseen asemaan, sosiaaliseen ontologiaan, ekstensioon ja sitä konstituoiviin periaatteisiin. Käyn läpi deliberatiivisen demokratian teorian, poliittisen liberalismin ja agonistisen politiikan teorian käsitykset politiikan ja julkisen alueen luonteesta. Pyrin puolustamaan deliberatiivisen demokratian mukaista näkemystä julkisen alueen funktiosta. Käyn tutkielmassani läpi myös niitä ongelmia, jotka nousevat viime vuosikymmenien aikana demokraattisen päätöksenteon kannalta oleellisissa instituutionaalisissa rakanteissa tapahtuneista muutoksista. Keskeinen kysymys on, kykeneekö habermasilainen teoria vielä säilyttämään deskriptiivisen ja normatiivisen arvonsa globalisoituneessa maailmassa. Tutkimuksessani selvisi, että demokraattinen legitimiteetti vaatii tuekseen julkisen alueen mielipiteenmuodostusta. Julkista aluetta ei kuitenkaan ole tarkoituksenmukaista hahmottaa yhtenä laajana diskursiivisena areenana vaan useiden kommunikatiivisten alueiden verkostona, joista jotkut alueet ovat kattavampia kuin toiset.

Differential cellular recognition pattern to M. tuberculosis targets defined by IFN-gamma and IL-17 production in blood from TB plus patients from Honduras as compared to health care workers: TB and immune responses in patients from Honduras

Background: A better understanding of the quality of cellular immune responses directed against molecularly defined targets will guide the development of TB diagnostics and identification of molecularly defined, clinically relevant M.tb vaccine candidates. Methods: Recombinant proteins (n = 8) and peptide pools (n = 14) from M. tuberculosis (M.tb) targets were used to compare cellular immune responses defined by IFN-gamma and IL-17 production using a Whole Blood Assay (WBA) in a cohort of 148 individuals, i.e. patients with TB + (n = 38), TB- individuals with other pulmonary diseases (n = 81) and individuals exposed to TB without evidence of clinical TB (health care workers, n = 29). Results: M.tb antigens Rv2958c (glycosyltransferase), Rv2962c (mycolyltransferase), Rv1886c (Ag85B), Rv3804c (Ag85A), and the PPE family member Rv3347c were frequently recognized, defined by IFN-gamma production, in blood from healthy individuals exposed to M.tb (health care workers). A different recognition pattern was found for IL-17 production in blood from M.tb exposed individuals responding to TB10.4 (Rv0288), Ag85B (Rv1886c) and the PPE family members Rv0978c and Rv1917c. Conclusions: The pattern of immune target recognition is different in regard to IFN-gamma and IL-17 production to defined molecular M.tb targets in PBMCs from individuals frequently exposed to M.tb. The data represent the first mapping of cellular immune responses against M.tb targets in TB patients from Honduras.

Pressure-Induced Bond Rearrangement and Reversible Phase Transformation in a Metal-Organic Framework

Pressure-induced phase transformations (PIPTs) occur in a wide range of materials. In general, the bonding characteristics, before and after the PIPT, remain invariant in most materials, and the bond rearrangement is usually irreversible due to the strain induced under pressure. A reversible PIPT associated with a substantial bond rearrangement has been found in a metal-organic framework material, namely tmenH(2)]Er(HCOO)(4)](2) (tmenH(2)(2+) = N,N,N',N'-tetramethylethylenediammonium). The transition is first-order and is accompanied by a unit cell volume change of about 10%. High-pressure single-crystal X-ray diffraction studies reveal the complex bond rearrangement through the transition. The reversible nature of the transition is confirmed by means of independent nanoindentation measurements on single crystals.

Ontology analysis of global gene expression differences of human bone marrow stromal cells cultured on 3D scaffolds or 2D films

Differences in gene expression of human bone marrow stromal cells (hBMSCs) during culture in three-dimensional (3D) nanofiber scaffolds or on two-dimensional (2D) films were investigated via pathway analysis of microarray mRNA expression profiles. Previous work has shown that hBMSC culture in nanofiber scaffolds can induce osteogenic differentiation in the absence of osteogenic supplements (OS). Analysis using ontology databases revealed that nanofibers and OS regulated similar pathways and that both were enriched for TGF-beta and cell-adhesion/ECM-receptor pathways. The most notable difference between the two was that nanofibers had stronger enrichment for cell-adhesion/ECM-receptor pathways. Comparison of nanofibers scaffolds with flat films yielded stronger differences in gene expression than comparison of nanofibers made from different polymers, suggesting that substrate structure had stronger effects on cell function than substrate polymer composition. These results demonstrate that physical (nanofibers) and biochemical (OS) signals regulate similar ontological pathways, suggesting that these cues use similar molecular mechanisms to control hBMSC differentiation. Published by Elsevier Ltd.

Rendimiento y calidad de las interacciones sociocognitivas en díadas que trabajan colaborativamente en forma presencial y por chat

Resumen: En este trabajo se examina el rendimiento de estudiantes universitarios en razonamiento formal con y sin interacción social. La muestra N = 83 estuvo conformada por alumnos provenientes de dos universidades (UNMDP y UAA) quienes fueron asignados a dos condiciones: experimental con interacción (n = 40) y grupo control sin interacción (n = 43). El reactivo empleado consistió en una serie de pruebas del Test de Matrices Progresivas escala general y avanzada. Todos los participantes debieron resolver dichas tareas durante varias semanas: primero en forma individual (pretest), luego en forma colectiva presencial y por chat (díadas, condición experimental) y en forma individual (grupo control), y finalmente en forma individual (postest). Se registraron las interacciones que llevaron a cabo los participantes mediante videofilmación y logs del Chat. El rendimiento fue evaluado según la condición asignada: individual o grupal y en los últimos mediante una evaluación interjueces se estableció la calidad de las interacciones. Los resultados corroboran la superioridad de las díadas por sobre la performance individual; la reiteración en la fase de postest de aquellos ítems incorrectamente resueltos en el pretest más el agregado de nuevos ejercicios pusieron de relieve dos zonas de avance o de internalización de los progresos. En cuanto a la calidad de las interacciones, las mismas son coincidentes. Estos resultados abren nuevos interrogantes acerca del conflicto sociocognitivo y su papel para el avance grupal – individual.

Prudentia Iuris, 1995, n° 37 (número completo)

Contenido: El Derecho Agrario y la cuestión ambiental / Fernando P. Brebbia – Agricultura asociativa y recursos naturales / Nancy Malanos – Teoría de la frustración del fin del contrato / María Rosa Rey – El Defensor del Pueblo en la legislación y la praxis colombiana / Guillermo Jorge Yacobucci – Las reformas introducidas a la Constitución Nacional en agosto de 1994 / Silvana S. González Napolitano – La filosofía política y la teoría de las relaciones internacionales en la perspectiva de Martin Wight / Hernando V. Cañardo – Notas bibliográficas

Caracterización de la población de C. atratus en la zona de influencia del Aeropuerto Internacional Augusto. C. Sandino en el municipio de Managua

El presente estudio consistió en la caracterización de la población de Coragyps atratus Bechstein (Zopilote) para diseñar estrategias de manejo y control de la especie que disminuyan los riesgo de peligro aviario en la zona de influencia del Aeropuerto Internacional Augusto C. Sandino en el municipio de Managua en un área de 1086.86 km2. Se emplearon diferentes métodos para la toma de datos que incluyeron conteos y observaciones por medios terrestres y aéreos. Los resultados obtenidos permiten determinar para cada población su comportamiento durante el día e identificación de la existencia de dos colonias principales de zopilotes; una en el sector Oeste del municipio de Managua correspondiente a las lagunas de Asososca y Nejapa, en la cual se estimaron 4384 individuos y otra en el sector Este, colindante con el municipio de Tipitapa con un estimado de 4,201 individuos. El patrón de desplazamiento en el sector Este fue de forma aleatoria contraria al sector Oeste que fue de forma gregaria con una trayectoria de vuelo que incluye el triángulo Nejapa – Chureca – Ciudad Sandino. La altura media a las que fueron observados los zopilotes en el sector Este fue de 261.18 m y 496.33 m en el sector Oeste siendo las horas de la mañana entre las 04:30am a las 12:00md las que reflejan mayor actividad en ambas colonias. Las aerovías más afectadas son las aerovías de salida o de llegada Nor-Este y las aerovías de llegada Nor-Oeste y Sur-Oeste, debido a su intersección con los sitios de alimentación de las aves. La disponibilidad de alimentos en cantidades suficientes parece ser el factor más importante que explica la permanencia de éstas aves en ambos sectores.

The frequency of muscle protein polymorphism in Menidia menidia (Atherinidae) along the Atlantic coast

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