816 resultados para F5 - International Relations and International Political Economy
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Mode of access: Internet.
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First published, 1881.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Goldsmiths'-Kress library of economic literature, no. 28981.
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"Historical notice of the life and works of M. de Sismondi, by M. Mignet": p. [1]-24.
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We examined intergroup predictors of cultural adjustment among Asian international students in Australia. Sociostructural beliefs (status, legitimacy, and permeability) and initial adjustment were assessed (N = 113) at Time 1, and measures of adjustment were obtained (N = 80) at Time 2 eight weeks later. International students who perceived their cultural group to be relatively low in status experienced lower levels of psychological adjustment. Also, as expected, the effects of status were moderated by perceptions of both the permeability of intergroup boundaries and the legitimacy of the status differential. At high levels of legitimacy, perceptions of permeable group boundaries were associated with better psychological, sociocultural, and academic adjustment among international students perceiving their group to be low in status, but lower levels of adjustment among students who perceived their group to be high in status. At low levels of legitimacy, irrespective of group status position, perceived permeability was not related to adjustment.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore the criminal workplace activities of both employers and employees in Ukrainian enterprises. It challenges traditional definitions of corruption and suggests that the practices that can be observed fit into the category of organised crime because of the country's economic framework. The paper also explores how the practices are partially a legacy of Soviet economic processes. Design/methodology/approach A total of 700 household surveys were completed in three cities, Kyiv (where 450 surveys were completed), Uzhgorod (150) and Kharkiv (100). To complement these, approximately 25 in-depth interviews were undertaken with workers in each region. Furthermore, ethnographic observations and kitchen table interviews also played an important role in the research. Although the research was oriented towards those working in informal economies, business owners (both formal and informal) were also interviewed. Findings As well as revealing the endemic nature of corruption in Ukrainian workplaces and the high levels of informal activity undertaken by workers, the research found that many people wish for their workplace to become more regulated. Research limitations/implications Further interviews could have been carried out with state officials and in more locations. The implications are multiple but mainly they demonstrate the difficulty that those charged with economic reform in Ukraine must face. Originality/value It is one of the first studies to explore these issues in Ukraine using a variety of research methods.
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Book review
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Az elmlt vtizedben a nemzetkzi kapcsolatok s a nemzetkzi politikai gazdasgtan szakirodalmban is intenzv figyelem vezte az n. feltrekv gazdasgokat, kzttk Brazlit. Luiz Incio Lula da Silva kt elnki ciklusban (20032011) a feltrekv piacok globlis pozcinyerse, a brazil klpolitika aktivizldsa s a brazil gazdasg kiemelked teljestmnye j koordintarendszerbe helyezte a dl-amerikai rist. A tanulmny a Lula-ra politikai s gazdasgi teljestmnyt foglalja ssze: llami, regionlis s globlis szinten vizsglja a dinamikus brazil fejlds elmlt vtizedt. / === / Since the millennium the literature on international relations and international political economy has been focusing on so-called emerging countries. This trend has brought unexpected and rarely experienced attention to the Latin American region, especially to Brazil. During Luiz Incio Lula da Silva's presidencies (20032011) the global high position of emerging markets, the activity of Brazilian foreign policy and the outstanding achievements of the Brazilian economy placed the South American giant into a new frame of reference. The study sums up the political and economic performance of the Lula era: examines the past decade of dynamic Brazilian development at national, regional and global level.
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A tulajdonviszonyok s intzmnyek talakulst is a fokozatossg, a szerves fejlds jellemzi; Magyarorszgon a hossz reformszocialista fzist a politikai fordulat utn sem kvette ugrs a piacgazdasg fel, br az talakuls felgyorsult. A cikk a fokozatossg rvnyeslst az rtkestsi stratgia sokfle vltozatt alkalmaz, burjnz privatizciban, az j vllalkozsok keletkezsnek folyamatban, a liberalizls menetben s a jogi infrastruktra vltozsban mutatja be. Elemzi az tmenet sorn megersd korporatista elemek hatst a magyar gazdasgpolitikra. Vgl nhny sszefoglal megjegyzst fz a magyar fejldshez a politikai gazdasgtan s a politikai filozfia szemszgbl. Az elmlt harminc vben a mindenkori kormnynak jl rzkelhet preferencija volt a radiklis intzkedsek elodzsa, a trsadalmi adssg felhalmozdsnak vllalsa a konfliktusok elkerlse rdekben. A szerz felhvja a figyelmet a klnbz nemzedkek eltr idpreferencijra s az ezzel kapcsolatos etikai problmkra. Befejezsl a npszertlen intzkedseket az llampolgrok nagy hnyadnak vlemnyvel szemben is felvllal kormnyzs s a demokrcia viszonyrl szl. / === / Gradualism and organic development also distinguish the transformation of property relations and institutions. Hungary's long reformsocialist phase was not followed, after the political change, by a leap towards a market economy, although the transformation became faster. The article shows how gradualism applies to the proliferating of privatization, with its wide variety of selling strategies, to the foundation process of new firms, to the course of liberalization, and to change in the legal infrastructure. It analyses the effect on Hungarian economic policy of corporatist elements which strengthen during the transition. Finally, it makes some comments summing up Hungarian development in terms of political economy and political philosophy. The government at any time in the last thirty years showed an obvious preference for putting off radical measures and accepting an accumulation of social debt as a way of averting conflict. The article notes differences of time preference between generations and the ethical problems these raise. Finally, it makes remarks on the relationship between democracy and an administration intent on unpopular measures opposed by a high proportion of citizens.
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This dissertation analyzes the effects of political and economic institutions on economic development and growth.^ The first essay develops an overlapping-generations political economy model to analyze the incentives of various social groups to finance human capital accumulation through public education expenditures. The contribution of this study to the literature is that it helps explain the observed differences in the economic growth performance of natural resource-abundant countries. The results suggest that the preferred tax rates of the manufacturers on one hand and the political coalition of manufacturers and landowners, on the other hand, are equal to the socially optimal tax rate. However, we show that owners of natural resources prefer an excessively high tax rate, which suppresses aggregate output to a suboptimal level.^ The second essay examines the relationship between the political influence of different social classes and public education spending in panel data estimation. The novel contribution of this paper to the literature is that I proxy the political power and influence of the natural resource owners, manufacturers, and landowners with macroeconomic indicators. The motivation behind this modeling choice is to substantiate the definition of the political power of social classes with economic fundamentals. I use different governance indicators in the estimations to find out how different institutions mediate the overall impact of the political influence of various social classes on public education spending. The results suggest that political stability and absence of violence and rule of law are the important governance indicators.^ The third essay develops a counter argument to Acemoglu et al. (2010) where the thesis is that French institutions and economic reforms fostered economic progress in those German regions invaded by the Napoleonic armies. By providing historical data on urbanization rates used as proxies for economic growth, I demonstrate that similar different rates of economic growth were observed in the regions of France in the post-Napoleonic period as well. The existence of different economic growth rates makes it hard to argue that the differences in economic performance in the German regions that were invaded by the French and those that were spared a similar fate follow from regional differences in economic institutions.^
