918 resultados para Dynamic security analysis
Resumo:
The definitive goal of this research is to develop protein-based scaffolds for use in soft tissue regeneration, particularly in the field of dermal healing. The premise of this investigation was to characterize the mechanical properties of gelatin cross-linked with microbial transglutaminase (mTGase) and to investigate the cytocompatibility of mTGase cross-linked gelatin. Dynamic rheological analysis revealed a significant increase in the storage modulus and thermal stability of gelatin after cross-linking with mTGase. Static, unconfined compression tests showed an increase in Young's modulus of gelatin gels after mTGase cross-linking. A comparable increase in gel strength was observed with 0.03% mTGase and 0.25% glutaraldehyde cross-linked gelatin gels. In vitro studies using 3T3 fibroblasts indicated cytotoxicity at a concentration of 0.05% mTGase after 72 h. However, no significant inhibition of cell proliferation was seen with cells grown on lower concentrations of mTGase cross-linked gelatin substrates. The mechanical improvement and cytocompatibility of mTGase cross-linked gelatin suggests mTGase has potential for use in stabilizing gelatin gels for tissue-engineering applications.
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Isocyanate cross-linked hydroxy terminated polybutadiene is used as a binder for solid rocket propellant. Rocket motors containing this propellant require a storage life of at least 20 years. During storage it has been found that the important rubbery properties of the binder can be lost due to oxidative cross-linking of the polybutadiene chains. This could cause catastrophic failure when the rocket motor is required. At present the bis-hindered phenol Calco 2246 is used as a thermal oxidative stabiliser, but it's performance is only adequate. This has led to the search for a more efficient stabiliser system. To hasten the evaluation of new antioxidant systems the use of dynamic thermal analysis was investigated. Results showed that a tentative relationship existed between predictions by thermal analysis and the long term oven ageing for simple single antioxidant systems. But for more complex systems containing either autosynergistic or mixed antioxidants no relationship was observed suggesting that results for such an "accelerated" technique cannot be used for the purpose of extrapolation for long term performance. This was attributed to the short time and more aggressive condition used (hjgher temperature and oxygen rich atmosphere in thermal analysis) altering the mechanism of action of the antioxidants and not allowing time for co-operative effect of the combined antioxidant system to form. One potential problem for the binder system is the use of an diisocyanate as a cross-linking agent. This reacts with the hydroxyl hydrogen on the polymer as well as other active hydrogens such as those contained in a number of antioxidants, affecting both cross-linking and antioxidant effectiveness. Studies in this work showed that only antioxidants containing amine moieties have a significant affect on binder preparation, with the phenolic antioxidants not reacting. This is due to the greater nucleophilicity of the amines. Investigation of a range of antioxidant systems, including potentially homo, hetero and autosynergistic systems, has highlighted a number of systems which show considerably greater effectiveness than the currently used antioxidant Calco 2246. The only single antioxidant which showed improvement was the partially unhindered phenol y-Tocopherol. Of the mixed systems combinations of the sulphur containing antioxidants e.g. DLTP with higher levels of chain-breaking antioxidants, especially Calco 2246, were the most promising. Also the homosynergistic mix of an aromatic amine and a phenol was seen to be very effective but the results were inconsistent. This inconsistency could be explained by the method of sample preparation used. It was shown that the efficiency of a number of antioxidant.s could be dramatically improved by the use of ultrasound during the mixing stage of preparation. The reason for this increase in performance is unclear but in the case of the homosynergistic amine/phenol mix both more efficient mixing and/or the production of a novel mechanism of action are suggested
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An initial aim of this project was to evaluate the conventional techniques used in the analysis of newly prepared environmentally friendly water-borne automotive coatings and compare them with solvent-borne coatings having comparable formulations. The investigation was carried out on microtuned layers as well as on complete automotive multi-layer paint systems. Methods used included the very traditional methods of gloss and hardness and the commonly used photo-oxidation index (from FTIR spectral analysis). All methods enabled the durability to weathering of the automotive coatings to be initially investigated. However, a primary aim of this work was to develop methods for analysing the early stages of chemical and property changes in both the solvent-borne and water-borne coating systems that take place during outdoor natural weathering exposures and under accelerated artificial exposures. This was achieved by using dynamic mechanical analysis (DMA), in both tension mode on the microtomed films (on all depths of the coating systems from the uppermost clear-coat right down to the electron-coat) and bending mode of the full (unmicrotomed) systems, as well as MALDI-Tof analysis on the movement of the stabilisers in the full systems. Changes in glass transition temperature and relative cross-link density were determined after weathering and these were related to changes in the chemistries of the binder systems of the coatings after weathering. Concentration profiles of the UV-stabilisers (UVA and HALS) in the coating systems were analysed as a consequence of migration in the coating systems in separate microtomed layers of the paint samples (depth profiling) after weathering and diffusion co-efficient and solubility parameters were determined for the UV stabilisers in the coating systems. The methods developed were used to determine the various physical and chemical changes that take place during weathering of the different (water-borne and solvent-borne) systems (photoxidation). The solvent-borne formulations showed less changes after weathering (both natural and accelerated) than the corresponding water-borne formulations due to the lower level of cross-links in the binders of the water-borne systems. The silver systems examined were more durable than the blue systems due to the reflecting power of the aluminium and the lower temperature of the silver coatings.
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The influence of the comonomer content in a series of metallocene-based ethylene-1-octene copolymers (m-LLDPE) on thermo-mechanical, rheological, and thermo-oxidative behaviours during melt processing were examined using a range of characterisation techniques. The amount of branching was calculated from 13C NMR and studies using differential scanning calorimetry (DSC) and dynamic mechanical analysis (DMA) were employed to determine the effect of short chain branching (SCB, comonomer content) on thermal and mechanical characteristics of the polymer. The effect of melt processing at different temperatures on the thermo-oxidative behaviour of the polymers was investigated by examining the changes in rheological properties, using both melt flow and capillary rheometry, and the evolution of oxidation products during processing using infrared spectroscopy. The results show that the comonomer content and catalyst type greatly affect thermal, mechanical and oxidative behaviour of the polymers. For the metallocene polymer series, it was shown from both DSC and DMA that (i) crystallinity and melting temperatures decreased linearly with comonomer content, (ii) the intensity of the ß-transition increased, and (iii) the position of the tan δmax peak corresponding to the a-transition shifted to lower temperatures, with higher comonomer content. In contrast, a corresponding Ziegler polymer containing the same level of SCB as in one of the m-LLDPE polymers, showed different characteristics due to its more heterogeneous nature: higher elongational viscosity, and a double melting peak with broader intensity that occurred at higher temperature (from DSC endotherm) indicating a much broader short chain branch distribution. The thermo-oxidative behaviour of the polymers after melt processing was similarly influenced by the comonomer content. Rheological characteristics and changes in concentrations of carbonyl and the different unsaturated groups, particularly vinyl, vinylidene and trans-vinylene, during processing of m-LLDPE polymers, showed that polymers with lower levels of SCB gave rise to predominantly crosslinking reactions at all processing temperatures. By contrast, chain scission reactions at higher processing temperatures became more favoured in the higher comonomer-containing polymers. Compared to its metallocene analogue, the Ziegler polymer showed a much higher degree of crosslinking at all temperatures because of the high levels of vinyl unsaturation initially present.
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Ethylene-propylene diene terpolymer (EPDM) was functionalized with glycidyl methacrylate (GMA) during melt processing by free radical grafting with peroxide initiation in the presence and absence of a reactive comonomer trimethylolpropane triacrylate (Tris). Increasing the peroxide concentration resulted in an increase in the GMA grafting yield, albeit the overall grafting level was low and was accompanied by higher degree of crosslinking of EPDM which was found to be the major competing reaction. The presence of Tris in the grafting system gave rise to higher grafting yield produced at a much lower peroxide concentration though the crosslinking reactions remained high but without the formation of GMA-homopolymer in either of the two systems. The use of these functionalized EPDM (f-EPDM) samples with PET as compatibilisers in binary and ternary blends of PET/EPDM/f-EPDM was evaluated. The influence of the different functionalisation routes of the rubber phase (in presence and absence of Tris) and the effect of the level of functionality and microstructure of the resultant f-EPDM on the extent of the interfacial reaction, morphology and mechanical properties was also investigated. It is suggested that the mechanical properties of the blends are strongly influenced by the performance of the graft copolymer, which is in turn, determined by the level of functionality, molecular structure of the functionalized rubber and the interfacial concentration of the graft copolymer across the interface. The cumulative evidence obtained from torque rheometry, scanning electron microscopy, SEM, dynamic mechanical analysis (DMA), tensile mechanical tests and Fourier transform infrared (FTIR) supports this. It was shown that binary and ternary blends prepared with f-EPDM in the absence of Tris and containing lower levels of g-GMA effected a significant improvement in mechanical properties. This increase, particularly in elongation to break, could be accounted for by the occurrence of a reaction between the epoxy groups of GMA and the hydroxyl/carboxyl end groups of PET that would result in a graft copolymer which could, most probably, preferentially locate at the interface, thereby acting as an 'emulsifier' responsible for decreasing the interfacial tension between the otherwise two immiscible phases. This is supported by results from FTIR analysis of the fractionated PET phase of these blends which confirm the formation of an interfacial reaction, DMA results which show a clear shift in the T s of the blend components and SEM results which reveal very fine morphology, suggesting effective compatibilisation that is concomitant with the improvement observed in their tensile properties. Although Tris has given rise to highest amount of g-GMA, it resulted in lower mechanical properties than the optimized blends produced in the absence of Tris. This was attributed to the difference in the microstructure of the graft and the level of functionality in these samples resulting in less favourable structure responsible for the coarser dispersion of the rubber phase observed by SEM, the lower extent of T shift of the PET phase (DMA), the lower height of the torque curve during reactive blending and FTIR analysis of the separated PET phase that has indicated a lower extent of the interfacial chemical reaction between the phases in this Tris-containing blend sample. © 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
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The research presented in this thesis was developed as part of DIBANET, an EC funded project aiming to develop an energetically self-sustainable process for the production of diesel miscible biofuels (i.e. ethyl levulinate) via acid hydrolysis of selected biomass feedstocks. Three thermal conversion technologies, pyrolysis, gasification and combustion, were evaluated in the present work with the aim of recovering the energy stored in the acid hydrolysis solid residue (AHR). Mainly consisting of lignin and humins, the AHR can contain up to 80% of the energy in the original feedstock. Pyrolysis of AHR proved unsatisfactory, so attention focussed on gasification and combustion with the aim of producing heat and/or power to supply the energy demanded by the ethyl levulinate production process. A thermal processing rig consisting on a Laminar Entrained Flow Reactor (LEFR) equipped with solid and liquid collection and online gas analysis systems was designed and built to explore pyrolysis, gasification and air-blown combustion of AHR. Maximum liquid yield for pyrolysis of AHR was 30wt% with volatile conversion of 80%. Gas yield for AHR gasification was 78wt%, with 8wt% tar yields and conversion of volatiles close to 100%. 90wt% of the AHR was transformed into gas by combustion, with volatile conversions above 90%. 5volO2%-95vol%N2 gasification resulted in a nitrogen diluted, low heating value gas (2MJ/m3). Steam and oxygen-blown gasification of AHR were additionally investigated in a batch gasifier at KTH in Sweden. Steam promoted the formation of hydrogen (25vol%) and methane (14vol%) improving the gas heating value to 10MJ/m3, below the typical for steam gasification due to equipment limitations. Arrhenius kinetic parameters were calculated using data collected with the LEFR to provide reaction rate information for process design and optimisation. Activation energy (EA) and pre-exponential factor (ko in s-1) for pyrolysis (EA=80kJ/mol, lnko=14), gasification (EA=69kJ/mol, lnko=13) and combustion (EA=42kJ/mol, lnko=8) were calculated after linearly fitting the data using the random pore model. Kinetic parameters for pyrolysis and combustion were also determined by dynamic thermogravimetric analysis (TGA), including studies of the original biomass feedstocks for comparison. Results obtained by differential and integral isoconversional methods for activation energy determination were compared. Activation energy calculated by the Vyazovkin method was 103-204kJ/mol for pyrolysis of untreated feedstocks and 185-387kJ/mol for AHRs. Combustion activation energy was 138-163kJ/mol for biomass and 119-158 for AHRs. The non-linear least squares method was used to determine reaction model and pre-exponential factor. Pyrolysis and combustion of biomass were best modelled by a combination of third order reaction and 3 dimensional diffusion models, while AHR decomposed following the third order reaction for pyrolysis and the 3 dimensional diffusion for combustion.
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The asymmetric cipher protocol based on decomposition problem in matrix semiring M over semiring of natural numbers N is presented. The security parameters are defined and preliminary security analysis is presented.
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It is often speculated that the high allocation of funds to retirement pension systems has influenced the capacity of Central American and Dominican Republic military to modernize. Yet, the comparative study of the allocation of pension and social funds in these particular countries suggest that there is not direct linkage between the poor funding of military modernization plans and the allocation of funds to military pension systems. The research conducted on this subject shows the following results: 1. The Dominican Republic is the only country that has embarked on a considerable procurement of modern equipment and still reports the largest proportion of social expenditures. 2. El Salvador’s defense budget allocates minimal funding to Social Welfare Institute, which as alternative sources of funding. In 2009, El Salvador increased 15 percent funding to the military to respond to increased role in domestic security issues. 3. The Guatemalan defense expenditure on social programs is fairly low, but it has grown during the past six years due to processes of demobilization. However, the Military Social Welfare Institute is administered by a decentralized institution funded directly by the Ministry of Finance. If it were to be considered as a part of the defense budget, its social expenses would account for almost 16% of it. 4. The Honduran Defense Budget has faced a considerable enlargement during the past four years, with social spending expenses taken precedence over modernization efforts. 2 5. The Nicaraguan system of military pensions is administered by a decentralized entity (IPSM) through a system of salary deductions. Information on the funding of this entity is inconclusive. The Nicaraguan Defense spending on social services has reported a drastic 90% drop since the year 2007.
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Although soundly defeated in the early to mid-1990s, Shining Path (Sendero Luminoso) did not disappear. Over the past five years, it has reemerged in a substantially different form, with both a military and a political component. The organization, once again coordinated by jailed leader Abimael Guzmán Reynoso, has eschewed shorter-term military objectives in favor of a longer-term strategy of slowly rebuilding popular support and establishing a party within the Peruvian political system. In so doing, it has also moved from extreme Maoist ideological rigidity to a more pragmatic, though perhaps only tactical, approach. Financial support is derived once again from cocaine production and trafficking in the Upper Huallaga Valley (UHV). Although there may be some individual exceptions, Shining Path is not a narcoterrorist organization. At the same time, Sendero is still very small, in no way a threat to the Peruvian state, and divided. The Lima-based political organization and the military wing in the UHV continue to follow Guzmán‟s leadership, while the Apurímac-Ene Valleys (VRAE) group remains committed to the armed struggle. The Government of Peru (GOP) response to date, both military and civilian, has been inadequate. VRAE military operations are hampered by poor leadership, ill-trained troops, and an outdated strategy. VRAE development resources have been cut, and the long-promised paved road remains in the planning stage. Without significant GOP adjustments, Shining Path is likely to continue to grow.
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Climate change has been a security issue for mankind since Homo sapiens first emerged on the planet, driving him to find new and better food, water, shelter, and basic resources for survival and the advancement of civilization. Only recently, however, has the rate of climate change coupled with man’s knowledge of his own role in that change accelerated, perhaps profoundly, changing the security paradigm. If we take a ―decades‖ look at the security issue, we see competition for natural resources giving way to Cold War ideological containment and deterrence, itself giving way to non-state terrorism and extremism. While we continue to defend against these threats, we are faced with even greater security challenges that inextricably tie economic, food and human security together and where the flash points may not provide clearly discernable causes, as they will be intrinsically tied to climate change. Several scientific reports have revealed that the modest development gains that can be realized by some regions could be reversed by climate change. This means that climate change is not just a long-term environmental threat as was widely believed, but an economic and developmental disaster that is unfolding. As such, addressing climate change has become central to the development and poverty reduction by the World Bank and other financial institutions. In Latin America, poorer countries and communities, such as those found in Central America, will suffer the hardest because of weaker resilience and greater reliance on climatesensitive sectors such as agriculture. The US should attempt to deliver capability to assist these states to deal with the effects of climate change.
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Despite its founding by Hugo Chávez on the heels of the failed Free Trade Area for the Americas (FTAA) negotiations which took place November 2003, the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas (ALBA, as it is known for its Spanish acronym) has evolved into a political tool that uses “social power” to facilitate Venezuela‟s positioning as the leader of the anti-U.S. agenda in the region. Fostering political favors and goodwill through the financing of social development projects, ALBA has created a political environment whereby countries on the take and their respective leaders seem deterred from taking public opposing viewpoints to Chávez. To that end, it has provided billions in economic aid to several nations in Latin American and the Caribbean, winning their favor and support for its policies. To date, ALBA counts on eight member nations. Besides Venezuela, it includes Antigua and Barbuda, Bolivia, Cuba, Dominica, Ecuador, Nicaragua, and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. It also has several observer nations, among them, Grenada, Haiti, Paraguay, Uruguay, and a non-Latin American country, Syria. Throughout its recent history Venezuela has used its oil wealth to pursue political capital. Under the Chávez government it is doing so as part of a strategic effort countering the U.S. Following Cuba‟s demise in the region as the anti-American socialist camp leader, Chávez is attempting to step into Cuba‟s shoes, picking up where Cuba left off over a decade ago and has used the ALBA as a mechanism to help promote his foreign policy. Relying on its own resources, not those of the Soviet Union as Cuba once did, Venezuela has already shown its influence in the international arena, challenging U.S. positions at the Organization of American States (OAS), the United Nations, and even in matters having little if nothing to do with the region, such as Iran‟s nuclear proliferation. Taking advantage of Venezuela‟s oil prices bonanza, Chávez has been spreading economic aid throughout the region, funding several development projects. From stepping in to buy Bolivia‟s soy beans when the U.S. ceased doing so, to helping finance and construct an airport in Dominica, Venezuela‟s ALBA has provided assistance to many states in the region. As in the past, Venezuela has invested significantly both in time and money in the Caribbean, providing development assistance and oil at a discount to Haiti, St. Kitts and Nevis, and the Dominican Republic, although the latter two are neither member nor observer states of ALBA. The aid Chávez has been spreading around may be coming at a cost. It seems it has begun to cause cracks within the CARICOM community, where ALBA already counts on six of its 15 members, leading experts and leaders in the region to question traditional alliances to each other and the U.S. Yet, ALBA‟s ability to influence through aid is dependent on the Venezuelan economy. Its success hinges on continued Venezuelan oil sales at stable prices and the ability of Chávez to remain in power.
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Access to the Internet has grown exponentially in Latin America over the past decade. The International Telecommunications Union (ITU) estimates that in 2009 there were 144.5 million Internet users in South America, 6.4 million in Central America, and 8.2 million in the Caribbean, or a total 159.2 million users in all of Latin America.1 At that time, ITU reported an estimated 31 million Internet users in Mexico, which would bring the overall number of users in Latin America to 190.2 million people. More recent estimates published by Internet World Stats place Internet access currently at an estimated 204.6 million out of a total population of 592.5 million in the region (this figure includes Mexico).2 According to those figures, 34.5 per cent of the Latin American population now enjoys Internet access. In recent years, universal access policies contributed to the vast increase in digital literacy and Internet use in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, and Costa Rica. Whereas the latter was the first country in the region to adopt a policy of universal access, the most expansive and successful digital inclusion programs in the region have taken hold in Brazil and Chile. These two countries have allocated considerable resources to the promotion of digital literacy and Internet access among low income and poor populations; in both cases, civil society groups significantly assisted in the promotion of inclusion at the grassroots level. Digital literacy and Internet access have come to represent, particularly in the area of education, a welcome complementary resource for populations chronically underserved in nations with a long-standing record of inadequate public social services. Digital inclusion is vastly expanding throughout the region, thanks to stabilizing economies, increasingly affordable technology, and the rapid growth in the supply of cellular mobile telephony. A recent study by the global advertising agency Razorfish revealed significant shifts in the demographics of digital inclusion in the major economies of South America, where Web access is rapidly increasing amid the lower middle class and the working poor.3 Several researchers have suggested that Internet access will bring about greater civic participation and engagement, although skeptics remain unsure this could happen in Latin America. Yet, there have been some recent instances of political mobilization facilitated through the use of the Web and social media applications, starting in Chile when “smart mobs” nationwide demonstrated against former Chilean President Michelle Bachelet when she failed to enact education reforms in May 2006. The Internet has also been used by marginalized groups and by guerrillas groups to highlight their stories. In sum, Internet access in Latin is no longer a medium restricted to the elite. It is rather a public sphere upon which civil society has staked its claim. Some of the examples noted in this study point toward a developing trend whereby civil society, through online grassroots movements, is able to effectively pressure public officials, instill transparency and demand accountability in government. Access to the Internet has also made it possible for voices on the margins to participate in the conversation in a way that was never previously feasible. 1 International Telecommunications Union [ITU], “Information Technology Public & Report,” accessed May 15, 2011, http://www.itu.int/. 2 Internet World Stats, “Internet Usage Statistics for the Americas,” accessed March 24, 2011, http://www.internetworldstats.com/stats2.htm 3 J. Crump, “The finch and the fox,” London, UK (2010), http://www.slideshare.net/razorfishmarketing/the-finch-and-the-fox.
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This study examines some concerns that derive from Suriname‘s May-July 2010 elections, which resulted in the re-emergence of erstwhile military ruler and convicted drug trafficker, Désiré (Desi) Bouterse, as President of the Republic. The victory reflects Bouterse‘s political acumen in aggregating disparate political interests and in establishing a viable coalition government. But because of his history and profile, this triumph has generated anxiety in some places internationally. In this respect, the study examines anxieties related to three matters: (a) relations with Guyana, where there is an existing territorial dispute and a recently resolved maritime dispute, (b) illegal drug trafficking operations, and (c) foreign policy engagement with Venezuela. There has been a flurry of bilateral activities—including several presidential summits—with Guyana since President Bouterse‘s inauguration, albeit seemingly more about symbolism than substance. Although the maritime dispute was settled by a Tribunal of the United Nations Convention of the Law of the Sea in 2007, the 15,000 km2 New River Triangle is still unresolved. Indeed, in June 2011 President Bouterse reasserted Suriname‘s claim to the Triangle. Suriname has upped the ante in that dispute by portraying internationally the map of Suriname as inclusive of the disputed area. In all likelihood that self-redefinition slowly will become the country‘s cartographic definition in the eyes of the world if Guyana does not successfully rebuff that move or pursue the definitive settlement of the dispute. A geonarcotics assessment shows Suriname to be still heavily implicated in trafficking, because of geography, law enforcement limitations, corruption, and other factors. But despite Bouterse‘s drug-related history and that of former senior military officers, several reasons suggest the inexpediency of a narco-state being created by Bouterse. As well, as part of Suriname‘s pursuit of increased Caribbean and South American engagement, it has boosted relations with Venezuela, which has included it in PetroCaribe and provided housing and agricultural aid. However, the engagement appears to be driven more by pragmatism and less by any ideological affinity with Hugo Chavez.
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Guatemala is not a failed state and is unlikely to become one in the near future. Although the state currently fails to provide adequate security to its citizens or an appropriate range of effective social programs, it does supply a functioning electoral democracy, sound economic management, and a promising new antipoverty program, My Family Progresses (MIFAPRO). Guatemala is a weak state. The principal security threats represented by expanding Mexican drug trafficking organizations (DTOs), criminal parallel powers, and urban gangs have overwhelmed the resources of the under-resourced and compromised criminal justice system. The UN-sponsored International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG), however, has demonstrated that progress against organized crime is possible. The principal obstacles to strengthening the Guatemalan state lie in the traditional economic elite’s resistance to taxation and the venal political class’ narrow focus on short-term interests. Guatemala lacks a strong, policyoriented, mass-based political party that could develop a coherent national reform program and mobilize public support around it. The United States should strengthen the Guatemalan state by expanding the Central America Regional Security Initiative (CARSI) and by strongly supporting CICIG, MIFAPRO, and the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE).
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The Andean and the amazon, comprised of Venezuela, Colombia, Bolivia, Peru and Ecuador, have recently undertaken significant modernization efforts ranging from equipment, logistics, doctrine, training, deployment and the re-definition of the roles and missions of their forces. In most cases, motivations to modernize have been internal, such as continuing operations against armed groups as in the case of Colombia and Peru, enhance border control and sovereignty enforcement, as in the case of Ecuador and Brazil or regime control in Venezuela. However, they are complemented by perceptions of external threats, including traditional intra-state conventional wars. The increased tensions between Colombia and Venezuela and Ecuador as well as the historic Peru-Chile tensions are the most salient examples. Although diplomacy –especially defence diplomacy- has worked to a good degree in creating and strengthening confidence building measures, the potential for inter-state conflict is higher in this region of the Americas. This region has seen the recent emergence of long-term modernization plans, initially in Colombia followed by Venezuela and Ecuador and probably best embodied in scope and scale by the Brazilian National Defence Plan (for its long term vision). Although it has been speculated that high allocation of funds to retirement pension systems has had an impact on delaying modernization plans, this comparative study on the allocation of pension and social funds in these particular countries concludes that there is no direct linkage between the poor funding of military modernization plans and the diversion of funds to military pension systems.