986 resultados para Domènech, Joan, 1902-1984 -- Political activity
Resumo:
Recently, a rising interest in political and economic integration/disintegration issues has been developed in the political economy field. This growing strand of literature partly draws on traditional issues of fiscal federalism and optimum public good provision and focuses on a trade-off between the benefits of centralization, arising from economies of scale or externalities, and the costs of harmonizing policies as a consequence of the increased heterogeneity of individual preferences in an international union or in a country composed of at least two regions. This thesis stems from this strand of literature and aims to shed some light on two highly relevant aspects of the political economy of European integration. The first concerns the role of public opinion in the integration process; more precisely, how economic benefits and costs of integration shape citizens' support for European Union (EU) membership. The second is the allocation of policy competences among different levels of government: European, national and regional. Chapter 1 introduces the topics developed in this thesis by reviewing the main recent theoretical developments in the political economy analysis of integration processes. It is structured as follows. First, it briefly surveys a few relevant articles on economic theories of integration and disintegration processes (Alesina and Spolaore 1997, Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina et al. 2000, Casella and Feinstein 2002) and discusses their relevance for the study of the impact of economic benefits and costs on public opinion attitude towards the EU. Subsequently, it explores the links existing between such political economy literature and theories of fiscal federalism, especially with regard to normative considerations concerning the optimal allocation of competences in a union. Chapter 2 firstly proposes a model of citizens’ support for membership of international unions, with explicit reference to the EU; subsequently it tests the model on a panel of EU countries. What are the factors that influence public opinion support for the European Union (EU)? In international relations theory, the idea that citizens' support for the EU depends on material benefits deriving from integration, i.e. whether European integration makes individuals economically better off (utilitarian support), has been common since the 1970s, but has never been the subject of a formal treatment (Hix 2005). A small number of studies in the 1990s have investigated econometrically the link between national economic performance and mass support for European integration (Eichenberg and Dalton 1993; Anderson and Kalthenthaler 1996), but only making informal assumptions. The main aim of Chapter 2 is thus to propose and test our model with a view to providing a more complete and theoretically grounded picture of public support for the EU. Following theories of utilitarian support, we assume that citizens are in favour of membership if they receive economic benefits from it. To develop this idea, we propose a simple political economic model drawing on the recent economic literature on integration and disintegration processes. The basic element is the existence of a trade-off between the benefits of centralisation and the costs of harmonising policies in presence of heterogeneous preferences among countries. The approach we follow is that of the recent literature on the political economy of international unions and the unification or break-up of nations (Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina and Wacziarg 1999, Alesina et al. 2001, 2005a, to mention only the relevant). The general perspective is that unification provides returns to scale in the provision of public goods, but reduces each member state’s ability to determine its most favoured bundle of public goods. In the simple model presented in Chapter 2, support for membership of the union is increasing in the union’s average income and in the loss of efficiency stemming from being outside the union, and decreasing in a country’s average income, while increasing heterogeneity of preferences among countries points to a reduced scope of the union. Afterwards we empirically test the model with data on the EU; more precisely, we perform an econometric analysis employing a panel of member countries over time. The second part of Chapter 2 thus tries to answer the following question: does public opinion support for the EU really depend on economic factors? The findings are broadly consistent with our theoretical expectations: the conditions of the national economy, differences in income among member states and heterogeneity of preferences shape citizens’ attitude towards their country’s membership of the EU. Consequently, this analysis offers some interesting policy implications for the present debate about ratification of the European Constitution and, more generally, about how the EU could act in order to gain more support from the European public. Citizens in many member states are called to express their opinion in national referenda, which may well end up in rejection of the Constitution, as recently happened in France and the Netherlands, triggering a European-wide political crisis. These events show that nowadays understanding public attitude towards the EU is not only of academic interest, but has a strong relevance for policy-making too. Chapter 3 empirically investigates the link between European integration and regional autonomy in Italy. Over the last few decades, the double tendency towards supranationalism and regional autonomy, which has characterised some European States, has taken a very interesting form in this country, because Italy, besides being one of the founding members of the EU, also implemented a process of decentralisation during the 1970s, further strengthened by a constitutional reform in 2001. Moreover, the issue of the allocation of competences among the EU, the Member States and the regions is now especially topical. The process leading to the drafting of European Constitution (even if then it has not come into force) has attracted much attention from a constitutional political economy perspective both on a normative and positive point of view (Breuss and Eller 2004, Mueller 2005). The Italian parliament has recently passed a new thorough constitutional reform, still to be approved by citizens in a referendum, which includes, among other things, the so called “devolution”, i.e. granting the regions exclusive competence in public health care, education and local police. Following and extending the methodology proposed in a recent influential article by Alesina et al. (2005b), which only concentrated on the EU activity (treaties, legislation, and European Court of Justice’s rulings), we develop a set of quantitative indicators measuring the intensity of the legislative activity of the Italian State, the EU and the Italian regions from 1973 to 2005 in a large number of policy categories. By doing so, we seek to answer the following broad questions. Are European and regional legislations substitutes for state laws? To what extent are the competences attributed by the European treaties or the Italian Constitution actually exerted in the various policy areas? Is their exertion consistent with the normative recommendations from the economic literature about their optimum allocation among different levels of government? The main results show that, first, there seems to be a certain substitutability between EU and national legislations (even if not a very strong one), but not between regional and national ones. Second, the EU concentrates its legislative activity mainly in international trade and agriculture, whilst social policy is where the regions and the State (which is also the main actor in foreign policy) are more active. Third, at least two levels of government (in some cases all of them) are significantly involved in the legislative activity in many sectors, even where the rationale for that is, at best, very questionable, indicating that they actually share a larger number of policy tasks than that suggested by the economic theory. It appears therefore that an excessive number of competences are actually shared among different levels of government. From an economic perspective, it may well be recommended that some competences be shared, but only when the balance between scale or spillover effects and heterogeneity of preferences suggests so. When, on the contrary, too many levels of government are involved in a certain policy area, the distinction between their different responsibilities easily becomes unnecessarily blurred. This may not only leads to a slower and inefficient policy-making process, but also risks to make it too complicate to understand for citizens, who, on the contrary, should be able to know who is really responsible for a certain policy when they vote in national,local or European elections or in referenda on national or European constitutional issues.
Resumo:
People tend to automatically mimic facial expressions of others. If clear evidence exists on the effect of non-verbal behavior (emotion faces) on automatic facial mimicry, little is known about the role of verbal behavior (emotion language) in triggering such effects. Whereas it is well-established that political affiliation modulates facial mimicry, no evidence exists on whether this modulation passes also through verbal means. This research addressed the role of verbal behavior in triggering automatic facial effects depending on whether verbal stimuli are attributed to leaders of different political parties. Study 1 investigated the role of interpersonal verbs, referring to positive and negative emotion expressions and encoding them at different levels of abstraction, in triggering corresponding facial muscle activation in a reader. Study 2 examined the role of verbs expressing positive and negative emotional behaviors of political leaders in modulating automatic facial effects depending on the matched or mismatched political affiliation of participants and politicians of left-and right-wing. Study 3 examined whether verbs expressing happiness displays of ingroup politicians induce a more sincere smile (Duchenne) pattern among readers of same political affiliation relative to happiness expressions of outgroup politicians. Results showed that verbs encoding facial actions at different levels of abstraction elicited differential facial muscle activity (Study 1). Furthermore, political affiliation significantly modulated facial activation triggered by emotion verbs as participants showed more congruent and enhanced facial activity towards ingroup politicians’ smiles and frowns compared to those of outgroup politicians (Study 2). Participants facially responded with a more sincere smile pattern towards verbs expressing smiles of ingroup compared to outgroup politicians (Study 3). Altogether, results showed that the role of political affiliation in modulating automatic facial effects passes also through verbal channels and is revealed at a fine-grained level by inducing quantitative and qualitative differences in automatic facial reactions of readers.
Resumo:
The major aim of Mr. Marada's project was to investigate the role of political parties on the one hand, and various institutional forms of civil society on the other, in the process of establishing mechanisms of political decision-making and policy-formation in Czechoslovakia and the Czech Republic, after November 1989. Mr. Marada wanted to examine what consequences the interplay and tensions between political parties and institutions of civil society had on the status and practical understanding of citizenship and civil society. At the beginning of his research Mr. Marada found that, while the sphere of the political was relatively clearly defined, the phenomenon of civil society required a conceptual clarification. He devoted a great deal of time to analysing the emergence, development, and disintegration of Civic Forum as the major agent of the regime change and subsequent political reforms. Alongside this analysis is a commentary on Czech society in general, drawing on established research to show how, as yet, a kind of civic incompetence reigns within the country, and how this situation has its roots in the belief, promoted by politicians themselves, that politics is an activity for experts only. The final outcome of his research took the form of a series of articles, in English, totalling 40 pages.
Resumo:
Two hundred eightythree botanically identified plant species have been tested as 50% ethanol extracts, for a wide variety of biological activities including antifertility, anticancer, chemotherapeutic and pharmaceutical activities. Biological activity has been observed in 143 of these extracts. The biological Activity has been confirmed in the fraction of 35 extracts and anticancer activity in the extracts of 23 plant species.
Resumo:
Understanding the effects of off-balance sheet transactions on interest and exchange rate exposures has become more important for emerging market countries that are experiencing remarkable growth in derivatives markets. Using firm level data, we report a significant fall in exposure over the past 10 years and relate this to higher derivatives market participation. Our methodology is composed of a three stage approach: First, we measure foreign exchange exposures using the Adler-Dumas (1984) model. Next, we follow an indirect approach to infer derivatives market participation at the firm level. Finally, we study the relationship between exchange rate exposure and derivatives market participation. Our results show that foreign exchange exposure is negatively related to derivatives market participation, and support the hedging explanation of the exchange rate exposure puzzle. This decline is especially salient in the financial sector, for bigger firms, and over longer time periods. Results are robust to using different exchange rates, a GARCH-SVAR approach to measure exchange rate exposure, and different return horizons.
Resumo:
The hypothesis tested was that rapid rejection of Trichinella spiralis infective larvae from immunized rats following a challenge infection is associated with a local anaphylactic reaction, and this response should be reflected in altered small intestinal motility. The objective was to determine if altered gut smooth muscle function accompanies worm rejection based on the assumption that anaphylaxis in vivo could be detected by changes in intestinal smooth muscle contractile activity (ie. an equivalent of the Schultz-Dale reaction or in vitro anaphylaxis). The aims were to (1) characterize motility changes by monitoring intestinal myoelectric activity in conscious rats during the enteric phase of T. spiralis infection in immunized hosts, (2) detect the onset and magnitude of myoelectric changes caused by challenge infection in immunized rats, (3) determine the parasite stimulus causing changes, and (4) determine the specificity of host response to stimulation. Electrical slow wave frequency, spiking activity, normal interdigestive migrating myoelectric complexes and abnormal migrating action potential complexes were measured. Changes in myoelectric parameters induced by larvae inoculated into the duodenum of immune hosts differed from those associated with primary infection with respect to time of onset, magnitude and duration. Myoelectric changes elicited by live larvae could not be reproduced by inoculation of hosts with dead larvae, larval excretory-secretory products, or by challenge with a heterologous parasite, Eimeria nieschulzi. These results indicate that (1) local anaphylaxis is a component of the initial response to T. spiralis in immune hosts, since the rapid onset of altered smooth muscle function parallels in time the expression of rapid rejection of infective larvae, and (2) an active mucosal penetration attempt by the worm is necessary to elicit this host response. These findings provide evidence that worm rejection is a consequence of, or sequel to, an immediate hypersensitivity reaction elicited when parasites attempt to invade the gut mucosa of immunized hosts. ^
Resumo:
The association between Social Support, Health Status, and Health Services Utilization of the elderly, was explored based on the analysis of data from the Supplement on Aging to the National Health Interview Survey, 1984 (N = 11,497) using a modified framework of Aday and Andersen's Expanded Behavioral Model. The results suggested that Social Support as operationalized in this study was an independent determinant of the use of health services. The quantity of social activities and the use of community services were the two most consistent determinants across different types of health services use.^ The effects of social support on the use of health services were broken down into three components to facilitate explanations of the mechanisms through which social support operated. The Predisposing and Enabling component of Social Support had independent, although not uniform, effects on the use of health services. Only slight substitute effects of social support were detected. These included the substitution of the use of senior centers for longer stay in the hospital and the substitution of help with IADL problems for the use of formal home care services.^ The effect of financial support on the use of health services was found to be different for middle and low income populations. This differential effect was also found for the presence of intimate networks, the frequencies of interaction with children and the perceived availability of support among urban/rural, male/female and white/non-white subgroups.^ The study also suggested that the selection of appropriate Health Status measures should be based on the type of Health Services Utilization in which a researcher is interested. The level of physical function limitation and role activity limitation were the two most consistent predictors of the volume of physician visits, number of hospital days, and average length of stay in the hospital during the past year.^ Some alternative hypotheses were also raised and evaluated, when possible. The impacts of the complex sample design, the reliability and validity of the measures and other limitations of this analysis were also discussed. Finally, a revised framework was proposed and discussed based on the analysis. Some policy implications and suggestions for future study were also presented. ^
Resumo:
A case-control study has been conducted examining the relationship between preterm birth and occupational physical activity among U.S. Army enlisted gravidas from 1981 to 1984. The study includes 604 cases (37 or less weeks gestation) and 6,070 controls (greater than 37 weeks gestation) treated at U.S. Army medical treatment facilities worldwide. Occupational physical activity was measured using existing physical demand ratings of military occupational specialties.^ A statistically significant trend of preterm birth with increasing physical demand level was found (p = 0.0056). The relative risk point estimates for the two highest physical demand categories were statistically significant, RR's = 1.69 (p = 0.02) and 1.75 (p = 0.01), respectively. Six of eleven additional variables were also statistically significant predictors of preterm birth: age (less than 20), race (non-white), marital status (single, never married), paygrade (E1 - E3), length of military service (less than 2 years), and aptitude score (less than 100).^ Multivariate analyses using the logistic model resulted in three statistically significant risk factors for preterm birth: occupational physical demand; lower paygrade; and non-white race. Controlling for race and paygrade, the two highest physical demand categories were again statistically significant with relative risk point estimates of 1.56 and 1.70, respectively. The population attributable risk for military occupational physical demand was 26%, adjusted for paygrade and race; 17.5% of the preterm births were attributable to the two highest physical demand categories. ^
Resumo:
El artículo analiza una serie de reformas curriculares en la Facultad de Arquitectura y Urbanismo (FAU) de la Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA) producidas durante la transición democrática. Así, se busca dar cuenta de los factores que intervienen en la mayor o menor expansión de diversas redes de académicos, técnicos y profesionales cuyos integrantes cuentan con trayectorias, saber hacer y posicionamientos políticos diferentes. El artículo se apoya en el análisis de fuentes primarias y secundarias así como en la realización de entrevistas a protagonistas de las diversas redes. Como conclusiones, se postula que la mayor o menor expansión de las redes en disputa no responde a aspectos intrínsecos a las mismas. Por el contrario, la expansión diferencial es producto de yuxtaposiciones entre aspectos académicos y políticos. Así, se vincula a las diferenciales conexiones políticas de las distintas redes y al modo en que sintonizan con aspectos centrales del contexto político.
Resumo:
Desde su creación en 1957, la Carrera de Sociología de la UBA ha tenido una trayectoria accidentada. Las cambiantes coyunturas políticas nacionales, sumadas a la aparición de profundas controversias entre los sociólogos, delinearon una historia en la que resaltan las rupturas sobre las continuidades. Lejos de un proceso de institucionalización progresiva, se produjo una sucesión conflictiva de etapas en las que la orientación de la carrera variaba sustancialmente. La refundación ocurrida tras la vuelta a la democracia, en contraste, inauguró un período de inusitada estabilidad, caracterizada por la permanencia en el tiempo de profesores, materias y plan de estudios. Este artículo se propone reconstruir el proceso de reorganización institucional e intelectual de la carrera iniciado en 1984. A partir del análisis de las distintas gestiones que se sucedieron en su dirección y de las iniciativas de sus actores principales, procura dar cuenta de la instauración de esta novedosa estabilidad
Resumo:
El artículo analiza una serie de reformas curriculares en la Facultad de Arquitectura y Urbanismo (FAU) de la Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA) producidas durante la transición democrática. Así, se busca dar cuenta de los factores que intervienen en la mayor o menor expansión de diversas redes de académicos, técnicos y profesionales cuyos integrantes cuentan con trayectorias, saber hacer y posicionamientos políticos diferentes. El artículo se apoya en el análisis de fuentes primarias y secundarias así como en la realización de entrevistas a protagonistas de las diversas redes. Como conclusiones, se postula que la mayor o menor expansión de las redes en disputa no responde a aspectos intrínsecos a las mismas. Por el contrario, la expansión diferencial es producto de yuxtaposiciones entre aspectos académicos y políticos. Así, se vincula a las diferenciales conexiones políticas de las distintas redes y al modo en que sintonizan con aspectos centrales del contexto político.
Resumo:
Desde su creación en 1957, la Carrera de Sociología de la UBA ha tenido una trayectoria accidentada. Las cambiantes coyunturas políticas nacionales, sumadas a la aparición de profundas controversias entre los sociólogos, delinearon una historia en la que resaltan las rupturas sobre las continuidades. Lejos de un proceso de institucionalización progresiva, se produjo una sucesión conflictiva de etapas en las que la orientación de la carrera variaba sustancialmente. La refundación ocurrida tras la vuelta a la democracia, en contraste, inauguró un período de inusitada estabilidad, caracterizada por la permanencia en el tiempo de profesores, materias y plan de estudios. Este artículo se propone reconstruir el proceso de reorganización institucional e intelectual de la carrera iniciado en 1984. A partir del análisis de las distintas gestiones que se sucedieron en su dirección y de las iniciativas de sus actores principales, procura dar cuenta de la instauración de esta novedosa estabilidad
Resumo:
El artículo analiza una serie de reformas curriculares en la Facultad de Arquitectura y Urbanismo (FAU) de la Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA) producidas durante la transición democrática. Así, se busca dar cuenta de los factores que intervienen en la mayor o menor expansión de diversas redes de académicos, técnicos y profesionales cuyos integrantes cuentan con trayectorias, saber hacer y posicionamientos políticos diferentes. El artículo se apoya en el análisis de fuentes primarias y secundarias así como en la realización de entrevistas a protagonistas de las diversas redes. Como conclusiones, se postula que la mayor o menor expansión de las redes en disputa no responde a aspectos intrínsecos a las mismas. Por el contrario, la expansión diferencial es producto de yuxtaposiciones entre aspectos académicos y políticos. Así, se vincula a las diferenciales conexiones políticas de las distintas redes y al modo en que sintonizan con aspectos centrales del contexto político.
Resumo:
Desde su creación en 1957, la Carrera de Sociología de la UBA ha tenido una trayectoria accidentada. Las cambiantes coyunturas políticas nacionales, sumadas a la aparición de profundas controversias entre los sociólogos, delinearon una historia en la que resaltan las rupturas sobre las continuidades. Lejos de un proceso de institucionalización progresiva, se produjo una sucesión conflictiva de etapas en las que la orientación de la carrera variaba sustancialmente. La refundación ocurrida tras la vuelta a la democracia, en contraste, inauguró un período de inusitada estabilidad, caracterizada por la permanencia en el tiempo de profesores, materias y plan de estudios. Este artículo se propone reconstruir el proceso de reorganización institucional e intelectual de la carrera iniciado en 1984. A partir del análisis de las distintas gestiones que se sucedieron en su dirección y de las iniciativas de sus actores principales, procura dar cuenta de la instauración de esta novedosa estabilidad
