943 resultados para Colonial history


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This collection of essays is the first time a group of theatre historians have come together to consider the challenge of applying ethical thinking to attempts to truthfully represent the past. Topics include the life of the celebrated Restoration actor Thomas Betterton, the little-known records of hitherto forgotten women involved in Victorian theatre, amateur theatricals enjoyed by the British army in colonial India, the loss of a pioneering arts centre for African and Caribbean culture, performance art in Wales and present-day community arts in Northern Ireland. While confronting such difficult issues as the instability of evidence and the unreliability of memory, the contributors offer fresh perspectives and innovative strategies for fulfilling their ethical responsibility to the lived experience of the past.

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The towns presently named Pombal and Sousa, located in the hinterland of the State of Paraíba, Brazil, still keep vestiges of the colonization process they went through along the 18th and 19th centuries, when they both emerged as settlement nuclei in the extreme West of the then captaincy of Paraíba and attained the status of freguesia and vila in a later period. This research aims to comprehend the process of urban formation and development of the colonial urban nuclei of Pombal and Sousa as they became povoados (hamlets), freguesias (parishes) and vilas (small urban communities with a local government), according to territorial expansion policies implemented by the Portuguese government from 1697 to 1800. The choice of the two urban settlements for this survey lies in the fact that they were part of the great conquest and colonization program undertaken by the Portuguese Crown. Another aspect that was considered was the fact that those towns are the oldest urban nuclei of Paraíba s hinterland. They came into being as early as in the times of the colony, thus producing a favorable environment to the study of the changes that occurred in the captaincy s hinterland scenery resulting from the process of formation and development of the colonial urban space. Three fundamental categories of analysis were defined since they have a direct bearing upon the urban configuration of the two colonization nuclei: povoado, freguesia and vila. The three of them are related to civil and ecclesiastic jurisdictions. Field, documentation and bibliography surveys were undertaken in order to develop the study. They allowed for the finding of vestiges of the old, colonial urban structures and for the development of theoretical analysis based on present-day studies of issues relating to the colonial urban history. The study purposes were, therefore, to try to understand how the old urban nuclei of Pombal and Sousa fit in the territorial expansion policies undertaken by the Portuguese government; to relate the process of urban formation and development of such nuclei with the categories of analysis povoação-freguesia-vila by discussing the relations and influences they exert over one another and their territory, as well as to unveil, as much as possible, the configuration the urban spaces that were shaped along the 18th century

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Carp (Cyprinus Carpio L.) were first recommend for Uganda in 1941 by Dr. Hornell who was Oolonial Fisheries Adviser at that time. He stated that they would be suitable for Lake Bunyoni (6,474 ft.) in Kigezi District where the cold made conditions marginal for Tilapia and yet where the water was too warm for trout. Later, in 1947, when fish farming was proposed for Uganda, an expert from Israel whose visit was arranged by Dr. Hickling, the then current Colonial Fisheries Adviser, recommended that carp should be used as the stock fish in the ponds rather than Tilapia which Dr. Hickling himself had suggested.

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The present doctoral thesis studies the association between pre-colonial institutions and long-run development in Latin America. The thesis is organised as follows: Chapter 1 places the motivation of the thesis by underlying relevant contributions in the literature on long-run development. I then set out the main objective of the thesis, followed by a brief outline of it. In Chapter 2, I study the effects of pre-colonial institutions on present-day socioeconomic outcomes for Latin America. The main thesis of this chapter is that more advanced pre-colonial institutions relate to better socioeconomic outcomes today - principally, but not only, through their effects on the Amerindian population. I test such hypothesis with a dataset of 324 sub-national administrative units covering all mainland Latin American countries. The extensive range of controls covers factors such as climate, location, natural resources, colonial activities and pre-colonial characteristics - plus country fixed effects. Results strongly support the main thesis. In Chapter 3, I further analyse the association between pre-colonial institutions and present-day economic development in Latin America by using the historical ethnic homelands as my main unit of analysis. The main hypothesis is that ethnic homelands inhabited by more advanced ethnic groups -as measured by their levels of institutional complexity- relate to better economic development today. To track these long-run effects, I construct a new dataset by digitising historiographical maps allowing me to pinpoint the geospatial location of ethnic homelands as of the XVI century. As a result, 375 ethnic homelands are created. I then capture the levels of economic development at the ethnic homeland level by making use of alternative economic measures --satellite light density data. After controlling for country-specific characteristics and applying a large battery of geographical, locational, and historical factors, I found that the effects of pre-colonial institutions relate to a higher light density --as a proxy for economic activity- in ethnic homelands where more advanced ethnic groups lived. In Chapter 4, I explore a mechanism linking the persistence of pre-colonial institutions in Latin America over the long-run: Colonial and post-colonial strategies along with the ethnic political capacity worked in tandem allowing larger Amerindian groups to "support" the new political systems in ways that would benefit their respective ethnic groups as well as the population at large. This mechanism may have allowed the effects of pre-colonial institutions to influence socioeconomic development outcomes up to today. To shed lights on this mechanism, I combine the index of pre-colonial institutions prepared for the second chapter of the present thesis with individual-level survey data on people's attitudes. By controlling for key observable and unobservable country-specific characteristics, the main empirical results show that areas with a history of more advanced pre-colonial institutions increase the probability of individuals supporting present-day political institutions. Finally, in Chapter 5, I summarise the main findings of the thesis, and emphasise the key weaknesses of the study as well as potential avenues for future research.

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This paper uses the example of the British Guiana Court at the Colonial and Indian Exhibition of 1886 as a case study to demonstrate how British Guiana (now Guyana) was represented in Britain at the time, by cross-referencing different materials (e.g. objects, correspondence, reports, and newspapers from that period). This exhibition also shows which raw materials from the British Guiana were of interest to Britain and the involvement of Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew in this matter. Nevertheless, the exhibition not only displayed objects and commodities, such as the case of sugar, but also displayed people. Here, particular attention is paid to the Amerindians who were portrayed as living ethnological exhibits at the exhibition. This paper aims to understand how British Guiana was seen and administered by its mother country and also how Everard im Thurn (1852-1932), the explorer, sought to manoeuvre that representation, as well as his relation with RBG, Kew. Taking into consideration that this colony was a neglected area of the British Empire, even in im Thurn’s time, this exhibition was an opportunity not only to display the empire but also for advertising the potential of the neglected colony and to ensure that it would not be forgotten.

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The towns presently named Pombal and Sousa, located in the hinterland of the State of Paraíba, Brazil, still keep vestiges of the colonization process they went through along the 18th and 19th centuries, when they both emerged as settlement nuclei in the extreme West of the then captaincy of Paraíba and attained the status of freguesia and vila in a later period. This research aims to comprehend the process of urban formation and development of the colonial urban nuclei of Pombal and Sousa as they became povoados (hamlets), freguesias (parishes) and vilas (small urban communities with a local government), according to territorial expansion policies implemented by the Portuguese government from 1697 to 1800. The choice of the two urban settlements for this survey lies in the fact that they were part of the great conquest and colonization program undertaken by the Portuguese Crown. Another aspect that was considered was the fact that those towns are the oldest urban nuclei of Paraíba s hinterland. They came into being as early as in the times of the colony, thus producing a favorable environment to the study of the changes that occurred in the captaincy s hinterland scenery resulting from the process of formation and development of the colonial urban space. Three fundamental categories of analysis were defined since they have a direct bearing upon the urban configuration of the two colonization nuclei: povoado, freguesia and vila. The three of them are related to civil and ecclesiastic jurisdictions. Field, documentation and bibliography surveys were undertaken in order to develop the study. They allowed for the finding of vestiges of the old, colonial urban structures and for the development of theoretical analysis based on present-day studies of issues relating to the colonial urban history. The study purposes were, therefore, to try to understand how the old urban nuclei of Pombal and Sousa fit in the territorial expansion policies undertaken by the Portuguese government; to relate the process of urban formation and development of such nuclei with the categories of analysis povoação-freguesia-vila by discussing the relations and influences they exert over one another and their territory, as well as to unveil, as much as possible, the configuration the urban spaces that were shaped along the 18th century

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The purpose of this thesis was to contribute to a dialogue that considers the relationship between history, literature, and empathy as a literary affect. Specifically, I explored sites of literature’s transformative potential as it relates to cultural studies and the ethics of deconstruction. Via a deconstructive, post-colonial reading of Toni Morrison’s Beloved and Junot Díaz’s The Brief Wondrous Life of Oscar Wao, I considered how subjects in our current socio-political moment can feel history. Emerging from a post-structurally mediated engagement with history, signification, and feeling, I argued that empathy, as it is contentiously presented in the context of deconstruction, is not necessarily a reductive or essentialist approach towards relating or “being-with” an-other. Instead, I proposed that the act of reading historiographical novels that take constructions of the Atlantic Slave Trade to task might generate an affective empathy, which could in turn engender a more empathetic relationality and way of being-in-the-world.

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In 2012, Uganda celebrated 50 years of independence. The postcolonial era in the country has been marked by political turmoil and civil wars. Uganda, like many other postcolonial states in Africa, cannot be described as an ethnically or culturally homogenous state. However, history education has globally been seen as a platform for constructing national identities in contemporary societies. At the same time, it is assumed that specific historical experiences of countries influence historical understanding. This study takes its starting point in the theories of historical consciousness and narrativity. A narrative could be viewed as a site where mobilization of ideas of the past to envisage the present and possible futures is made and hence the narrative expresses historical orientation. Through the concept of historical orientation historical consciousness can be explored, i.e. what history is viewed as significant and meaningful. The aim in the study is to explore in what ways students connect to their historical pasts.   The study explores 219 narratives of 73 Ugandan upper secondary students. Narratives elicited through written responses to three assignments. Designed to capture different approaches to history: either to start from the beginning and narrate history prospectively or to depart from the present narrating retrospectively. The colonial experience of Uganda affected the sampling in the way that students were chosen from two different regions, Central and Northern Uganda. The comparison was a way to handle the concept of ‘nation’ as a presupposed category. Narrative analysis has been used as a method to explore what the students regarded as historically significant and what patterns among the narratives that point towards particular historical orientations.   The empirical results show how different approaches to history, a prospective or a retrospective approach, influence the student narratives. For instance, valued judgments on past developments were more common with the retrospective approach. The results also show differences in evaluating past developments according to regional origin. Students from northern Uganda were generally more inclined to tell a story of decline. Also, it is argued that the student narratives were informed by a meta-narrative of Africa. It was as common to identify oneself as African as it was to identify as Ugandan.

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Morocco was the last North African country in which a Pasteur institute was created, nearly two decades later than in Tunisia and Algeria. In fact, two institutes were opened, the first in Tangier in 1913 and the second in Casablanca in 1932. This duplication, far from being a measure of success, was the material expression of the troubles Pastorians had experienced in getting a solid foothold in the country since the late 19th century. These problems partly derived from the pre-existence of a modest Spanish-Moroccan bacteriological tradition, developed since the late 1880s within the framework of the Sanitary Council and Hygiene Commission of Tangier, and partly from the uncoordinated nature of the initiatives launched from Paris and Algiers. Although a Pasteur Institute was finally established, with Paul Remlinger as director, the failure of France to impose its colonial rule over the whole country, symbolized by the establishment of an international regime in Tangier, resulted in the creation of a second centre in Casablanca. While elucidating many hitherto unclear facts about the entangled origins of both institutes, the author points to the solidity of the previously independent Moroccan state as a major factor behind the troubled translation of Pastorianism to Morocco. Systematically dismissed or downplayed by colonial and postcolonial historiography, this solidity disrupted the French takeover of the country and therefore Pastorian expectations.

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The study of textiles is an open area of scientific research, which for its variety of material components and physical chemical diversity of conditions, makes a field of interest for scientific studies in the cultural heritage field. Archaeological/historical textiles offer the possibility to carry out studies on organic materials such as fibers, adhesion elements, dyes, paper, etc., as well as on inorganic compounds for instance metals, alloys, precious stones and other added ornamentation. That variety of composition, allow to use a combination of analytical techniques to solve the questions coming from the object in an archaeometric research. One kind of textile object that provides a valuable cultural information because of its linguistic representation employed by its carrier societies, are the flags/banners/emblems, objects made with a nonverbal communication purpose. As long as depending on the use and/or purpose of each object, varies both the materials/techniques used in its production and its iconography (style, color, emblem, shape), its study gives the possibility to extract information through their materials and manufacturing techniques about a temporal-spatial frame, a particular event or a specific character. The flags/banners have been used since the eleventh century as representative objects of power, hierarchy, social or military organization, or as communicative media. The use of these objects has been spread throughout the world, possibly due to its easy interpretation and/or appropriation by different societies, making it part of their own culture. The flags as symbols of territorial control, using emblems that represent a family, order or army, were introduced to the New World (America) with the arrival of the European conquerors at the end of the fifteenth century. Flags/banners representing the Royal dominion over conquered territories, the Catholic Church and conquistadors’ armies were the first to arrive. One of those flags that have endured over time, that have an invaluable cultural meaning for both American and Iberian societies, is the so-called Francisco Pizarro’s Banner of Arms. It is a textile object with metal threads decoration over a Royal emblem. According to historical sources, this object was used by Francisco Pizarro in 1532 on the conquest process of Peru, after received the permission by King Charles V to on behalf of him, to conquer the lands of the New World today known as Peru. After Pizarro’s control of the Inca territory, it is believed that Pizarro left his banner on top of the Inca’s Sun’s Temple as symbol of his rule. Centuries later, in the America libertarian campaigns, General Sucre, military at charge of the independence army in Peru, reports have found what he considered the Pizarro’s Banner, sending it to Bogotá as a symbol of victory, being kept since that time until today by the National Museum of Colombia. Due to historical discrepancies in the different movements of the so-called Pizarro’s Banner of Arms, its real meaning has been under discussion and because of the passage of time its physical condition has suffer deterioration. That is because its scientific study is now an interesting case study to respond to both historical and conservation questions of it. Through a collaboration with the National Museum of Colombia, a set of 25 samples of so-called Pizarro’s Banner of Arms were collected, covering the various components and areas from the object of study. These samples were subjected to analytical studies for physical and chemical characterization. Microscopic observation, VSEM-EDS analysis, Raman spectroscopy, chromatographic analysis (HPLC-MS, GCMS) and radiocarbon dating were done. Similarly, was sought through a direct in situ physical inspection to the object and through a research into historical sources, adequate information to solve the object’s problems. Results obtained allowed to identify as silk the textile used in the elaboration of the Banner’s fabric, as well as the use of natural dyes for dyeing the fibers used on the emblem: use of cochineal and brazil wood as a source of red, luteolin plant-based for yellow color, indigotine plant-based for blue, and a mixture of yellow and blue dyes for green were identified. Similarly, the use of animal glue in the manufacturing process and the use of rag paper was evident. The metal threads study from the Banner give a confirmation to a silver core wire gilded with a thin gold sheet, being flattened and entwined with silk threads for their use. Finally, using the radiocarbon results, it was possible to postulate with huge accuracy that the Banner date manufacture was between the XV-XVI century and subject to restoration processes with addition of textiles in modern times. Together with, was evident that the state of degradation of the fabric is due to natural degradation in the silk fibers, having that its color has faded and its mechanical properties decreased, leading to loss of rigidity and disappearance of the physical structure. Similarly, it was clear the original colors of the emblem and highlight problems of detachment of paper due to crystallization of the adhesive. In the same way, was found that the metal threads suffer corrosion by sulfur and detachment of its crystals. Finally, combining the analytical results and the historical sources data found from the so-called Francisco Pizarro’s Banner of Arms, allows to postulate that its manufacture process was done in Europe employing precious materials to obtain a long-life object with a deep message for its viewers. Also, the data obtained helps to support the possible idea that the object was employed by Francisco Pizarro in the Peru conquest process. However, by the symbols present in the object, its elaboration date and materials, this object its clearly unique in its kind, and the most important, by its linguistic message, does not represent to Francisco Pizarro or his army, meanwhile, represents the Spanish crown. Therefore, instead to be labeled as Francisco Pizarro’s Banner of Arms, it should be called the Colonial Royal Banner of Charles V in the New World; RESUMEN: El estudio de textiles es un área abierta de investigación científica, la cual por su variedad de componentes materiales y la diversidad de condiciones físico-químicas presentes en estos objetos, lo hace un campo de interés para estudios científicos en el patrimonio cultural. Los textiles arqueológicos/históricos brindan la posibilidad de realizar estudios en materiales orgánicos como fibras, elementos de adhesión, tinturas, papel, etc., e inorgánicos como metales, aleaciones, piedras preciosas y demás materiales decorativos añadidos. Por su variedad de composición, es posible emplear diversas técnicas analíticas para resolver aquellas preguntas propias del objeto en una investigación arqueométrica. Uno de los objetos textiles que brinda gran información cultural debido a su representación lingüística empleada por las sociedades portadoras, son las banderas/estandartes/emblemas. Donde varía dependiendo de su uso y/o propósito, los materiales empleados en su elaboración, al igual que su iconografía (estilo, color, emblema, forma). El estudio de estos objetos construidos con un propósito de comunicación no verbal, da la posibilidad de extraer información a través de sus materiales y técnicas de elaboración sobre un rango temporal-espacial, un evento determinado en la historia o incluso a un personaje en específico. Las banderas han sido empleadas desde el siglo XI como objetos representativos de poder, jerarquía, organización social o militar, o como medio de comunicación. El uso de estos objetos se ha extendido a lo largo del mundo posiblemente debido a su fácil interpretación y/o apropiación por distintas sociedades, haciéndolo parte de su cultura. Las banderas como símbolos de control territorial, empleando símbolos que representan a una familia, orden o armada fueron introducidas a el Nuevo Mundo (América) con la llegada de los conquistadores europeos al final del siglo XV. Las banderas/estandartes que representaban el dominio Real sobre territorios dominados, la iglesia católica y las banderas de ejércitos y/o conquistadores fueron las primeras en llegar al nuevo mundo. Una de aquellas banderas que ha soportado el paso del tiempo, teniendo un gran valor cultural tanto para las sociedades americanas como para las ibéricas, es el denominado Estandarte de armas de Francisco Pizarro. Siendo un objeto textil con decoración en hilos metálicos sobre un emblema Real. De acuerdo a fuentes históricas, este objeto fue usado por Francisco Pizarro en 1532 en el proceso de conquista del Perú, quien recibe por parte del Rey Carlos V el poder para que, en su nombre, Pizarro pueda conquistar las tierras del nuevo mundo hoy conocidas como Perú. Luego del dominio de Pizarro sobre el territorio Inca, se cree que Pizarro dejó su estandarte en la cima del templo Inca del sol como símbolo de su control. Siglos más tarde, en las campañas libertarias de América, el General Sucre, militar encargado de la armada independentista en Perú, reporta haber encontrado lo que él considera como el estandarte de Pizarro, enviándolo a Bogotá como muestra de victoria, siendo custodiada desde ese momento por el Museo Nacional de Colombia hasta la actualidad. Debido a discrepancias históricas, el verdadero significado del llamado estandarte de Pizarro ha sido objeto de discusión y debido del pasar del tiempo su estado de conservación se ha deteriorado. Dejando de este modo, un caso de estudio interesante para que por medio de estudios científicos al objeto se pueda dar respuesta a preguntas tanto históricas como de conservación del mismo. De este modo, por medio de una colaboración con el Museo Nacional de Colombia, se obtuvo un juego de 25 muestras del llamado Estandarte de armas de Francisco Pizarro, abarcando los diferentes componentes y áreas del objeto de estudio. Dichas muestras fueron sometidas a estudios analíticos para su caracterización físico-química. Análisis de observación al microscopio, análisis VSEM-EDS, espectroscopia Raman, análisis cromatográficos (HPLC-MS, GC-MS) y datación por radiocarbono catorce fueron realizados. Del mismo modo, por medio de una inspección física al objeto in situ y una profunda investigación en fuentes históricas del mismo, se buscó la información adecuada para resolver sus problemáticas. Los resultados obtenidos permitieron identificar como seda el textil empleado en la elaboración del estandarte, así como el uso de colorantes naturales para teñir las fibras en el emblema: uso de cochinilla y palo de Brasil como fuente del color rojo, plantas a base de luteolin para el color amarillo, plantas a base de indigotina para el color azul y mezcla de colorantes amarillos y azules para el color verde fueron identificadas. Del mismo modo se evidencio el uso de adhesivos animales y el uso de papel de trapos en el proceso de manufactura. El estudio de los hilos metálicos, permitió evidenciar el uso de alambres con núcleos de plata con un fino recubrimiento de oro en su exterior, siendo aplanados y entrelazados con hilos de seda para su uso. Finalmente usando la datación por radiocarbono, fue posible conocer con alta precisión que el estandarte fue elaborado entre los siglos XV-XVI y sufrió procesos de restauración con añadidura de textiles en tiempos modernos. Junto a lo anterior, es posible postular que el estado de degradación de la tela es debido a degradación natural en las fibras de seda, teniendo así que su color se ha desvanecido y sus propiedades mecánicas disminuidas, conllevando a perdida de rigidez y desaparición de la estructura. Del mismo modo se pudo conocer los colores originales del emblema y evidenciar problemas de desprendimiento del papel debido a cristalización del adhesivo. Asimismo, se comprobó que los hilos metálicos presentan corrosión por azufre y desprendimiento de sus cristales. Finalmente, combinando los resultados analíticos y la información de fuentes históricas encontradas del llamado Estandarte de armas de Francisco Pizarro, se puede postular que su elaboración fue realizada en Europa, usando materiales preciosos para obtener un objeto de larga vida con un profundo mensaje para sus observadores. También, los datos obtenidos ayudan a dar soporte la posible idea de que este objeto fue usado por Francisco Pizarro en el proceso de conquista del Perú. Sin embargo, debido a los símbolos presentes en el objeto, fecha y materiales de elaboración, este objeto es claramente único en su tipo, y lo más importante, por su mensaje lingüístico, este no representa a Francisco Pizarro o su armada, al contrario, representa a la Corona de España. Por ende, en vez de denominarse como Estandarte de armas de Francisco Pizarro, este objeto debería nombrarse como el Estandarte Real de la Colonia de Carlos V en el Nuevo Mundo.

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This study of the veranda as seen through the eyes of Lady Maria Nugent and Michael Scott, alias Tom Cringle, clearly demonstrates the important role that the piazza, as it was then more commonly known, played in the life of early nineteenth century Caribbean colonial society. The popularity of the veranda throughout the region, in places influenced by different European as well as African cultures, and among all classes of people, suggests that the appeal of this typical feature was based on something more than architectural fashion. A place of relative comfort in hot weather, the veranda is also a space at the interface of indoors and outdoors which allows for a wide variety of uses, for solitary or small or large group activities, many of which were noted by Nugent and Scott. Quintessentially, the veranda is a place in which to relax and take pleasure, not least of which is the enjoyment of the prospect, be it a panoramic view, a peaceful garden or a lively street scene. Despite the great changes in the nature of society, in the Caribbean and in many other parts of the world, the veranda and related structures such as the balcony continue to play at least as important a role in daily life as they did two centuries ago. The veranda of today’s Californian or Australian bungalow, and the balcony of the apartment block in the residential area of the modern city are among the contemporary equivalents of the lower and upper piazzas of Lady Nugent’s and Tom Cringle’s day.

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