Report of the Inter-American Tropical Tuna Commission for the year 1975

ENGLISH: The Inter-American Tropical Tuna Commission operates under the authority and direction of a convention originally entered into by the Republic of Costa Rica and the United States of America. The convention, which came into force in 1950, is open to adherence by other governments whose nationals fish for tropical tunas in the eastern Pacific Ocean. Under this provision the Republic of Panama adhered in 1953, the Republic of Ecuador in 1961, the United Mexican States in 1964, Canada in 1968 and Japan in 1970. In 1967, Ecuador gave notice of her intent to withdraw from the Commission, and her withdrawal became effective on August 21,1968. The Commission held two meetings in 1975, its 31st n1eeting in San Diego, California, U.S.A., March 3 and 5, and its 32nd meeting in Paris, France, October 13, 14 and 17, and in Washington D.C., U.S.A., December 18. SPANISH: La Comisión Interamericana del Atún Tropical está bajo la autoridad y dirección de una convención la cual fue originalmente formada por la República de Costa Rica y los Estados Unidos de América. La Convención, vigente desde 1950, está abierta a la afiliación de otros gobiernos cuyos nacionales pesquen atún en el Pacífico oriental tropical. Bajo esta medida la República de Panamá se afilió en 1953, la República del Ecuador en 1961, los Estados Unidos Mexicanos en 1964, Canadá en 1968 y el Japón en 1970. En 1967, el Ecuador anunció su intención de retirarse de la Comisión y la renuncia se hizo efectiva el 21 de agosto de 1968. La Comisión celebró dos reuniones en 1975, la XXXI reunión en San Diego, California (E.U.A.) del 3 al 5 de marzo, y la XXXII reunión en París, Francia el 13, 14 Y 17 de octubre (primera parte) y en Washington D.C. (E.U.A.) el 18 de diciembre (segunda parte). (PDF contains 176 pages.)

A new world a new American foreign policy: the Carter administration, Nicaragua, and the legacy of the Vietnam War, 1977-1981

The impact of the Vietnam War conditioned the Carter administration’s response to the Nicaraguan revolution in ways that reduced US engagement with both sides of the conflict. It made the countries of Latin America counter the US approach and find their own solution to the crisis, and allowed Cuba to play a greater role in guiding the overthrow of Nicaraguan dictator Anastasio Somoza Debayle. This thesis re-evaluates Carter’s policy through the legacy of the Vietnam War, because US executive anxieties about military intervention, Congress’s increasing influence, and US public concerns about the nation’s global responsibilities, shaped the Carter approach to Nicaragua. Following a background chapter, the Carter administration’s policy towards Nicaragua is evaluated, before and after the fall of Somoza in July 1979. The extent of the Vietnam influence on US-Nicaraguan relations is developed by researching government documents on the formation of US policy, including material from the Jimmy Carter Library, the Library of Congress, the National Security Archive, the National Archives and Records Administration, and other government and media sources from the United Nations Archives, New York University, the New York Public Library, the Hoover Institution Archives, Tulane University and the Organization of American States. The thesis establishes that the Vietnam legacy played a key role in the Carter administration’s approach to Nicaragua. Before the overthrow of Somoza, the Carter administration limited their influence in Nicaragua because they felt there was no immediate threat from communism. The US feared that an active role in Nicaragua, without an established threat from Cuba or the Soviet Union, could jeopardise congressional support for other foreign policy goals deemed more important. The Carter administration, as a result, pursued a policy of non-intervention towards the Central American country. After the fall of Somoza, and the establishment of a new government with a left wing element represented by the Sandinistas, the Carter administration emphasised non-intervention in a military sense, but actively engaged with the new Nicaraguan leadership to contain the potential communist influence that could spread across Central America in the wake of the Nicaraguan revolution.

The Ford administration, Angola and the perception of Post-Vietnam US credibility, 1974-1976

This thesis is a study of how the Gerald Ford administration struggled to address a perceived loss of US credibility after the collapse of Vietnam, with a focus on the role of Secretary of State Henry Kissinger in the formulation, implementation and subsequent defence of US Angolan policy. By examining the immediate post-Vietnam period, this thesis shows that Vietnam had a significant impact on Kissinger’s actions on Angola, which resulted in an ill conceived covert operation in another third world conflict. In 1974, Africa was a neglected region in Cold War US foreign policy, yet the effects of the Portuguese revolution led to a rapid decolonization of its African territories, of which Angola was to become the focus of superpower competition. After South Vietnam collapsed in April 1975, Kissinger became fixated on restoring the perceived loss of US prestige, Angola provided the first opportunity to address this. Despite objections from his advisors, Kissinger methodically engineered a covert program to assist two anti-Marxist guerrilla groups in Angola. As the crisis escalated, the media discovered the operation and the Congress decided to cease all funding. A period of heated tensions ensued, resulting in Kissinger creating a new African policy to outmanoeuvre his critics publicly, while privately castigating them to foreign leaders. This thesis argues that Kissinger’s dismissal of internal dissent and opposition from the Congress was influenced by what he perceived as bureaucrats being affected by the Vietnam syndrome, and his obsession with restoring US credibility. By looking at the private and public records – as expressed in government meetings and official reports, US newspaper and television coverage and diplomatic cables – this thesis addresses the question of how the lessons of Vietnam failed to influence Kissinger’s actions in Angola, but the lessons of Angola were heavily influential in the construction of a new US-African policy.

Revolution and the ritual year: religious conflict and innovation in Cristero Mexico

This article analyses Catholic responses to persecution of the Church by the Mexican state during Mexico's cristero rebellion (1926–9) and seeks to make a new contribution to the revolt's religious history. Faced with the Calles regime's anticlericalism, the article argues, Mexico's episcopate developed an alternative cultic model premised on a revitalised lay religion. The article then focuses on changes and continuities in lay – clerical relations, and on the new religious powers of the faithful, now empowered to celebrate ‘white’ masses and certain sacraments by themselves. The article concludes that persecution created new spaces for lay religious participation, showing the 1910–40 Revolution to be a period of religious, as well as social, upheaval.

Welfare Effort and Poverty from the Monetary and Capabilities Approach: A Cross-Country Analysis in Latin American and the Caribbean (1990-2010)

There is abundant empirical evidence on the negative relationship between welfare effort and poverty. However, poverty indicators traditionally used have been representative of the monetary approach, excluding its multidimensional reality from the analysis. Using three regression techniques for the period 1990-2010 and controlling for demographic and cyclical factors, this paper examines the relationship between social spending per capita —as the indicator of welfare effort— and poverty in up to 21 countries of the region. The proportion of the population with an income below its national basic basket of goods and services (PM1) and the proportion of population with an income below 50% of the median income per capita (PM2) were the two poverty indicators considered from the monetarist approach to measure poverty. From the capability approach the proportion of the population with food inadequacy (PC1) and the proportion of the population without access to improved water sources or sanitation facilities (PC2) were used. The fi ndings confi rm that social spending is actually useful to explain changes in poverty (PM1, PC1 and PC2), as there is a high negative and signifi cant correlation between the variables before and after controlling for demographic and cyclical factors. In two regression techniques, social spending per capita did not show a negative relationship with the PM2. Countries with greater welfare effort for the period 1990-2010 were not necessarily those with the lowest level of poverty. Ultimately social spending per capita was more useful to explain changes in poverty from the capability approach.

Review of: Roccagloriosa I. L'abitato: Scavo e Ricognizione topografica (1976-1986), edited by M. Gualtieri and H. Fracchia. Centre Jean Berard, Naples,

Malone , C., 1990. American Journal of Archaeology 1993. 97(179-80).

As Comissões Parlamentares de Inquérito no Portugal democrático, 1976-2015

As transformações operadas no mundo contemporâneo, em especial no que respeita às estruturas do poder, à sua maior autonomização e diferenciação, tiveram particulares reflexos ao nível dos Parlamentos e das funções que prosseguem. Desde a sua origem, no passado século XIII, à atualidade, grandes acontecimentos, clivagens e factos históricos estão presentes na sua linha evolutiva. A democratização do regime parlamentar e a legitimidade outorgada através de eleições democráticas e concorrenciais são um marco ímpar na sua história. A complexidade das sociedades hodiernas catapultou o Poder Executivo em detrimento do Parlamento, enquanto órgão legislativo por excelência. Tal circunstancialismo levou, não ao proclamado declínio dos Parlamentos, mas a reformas estruturantes. Outras e mais importantes funções seriam prosseguidas. Se as iniciativas legislativas e a definição das políticas públicas passaram a ser quase um exclusivo do Governo, havia que desenvolver e ampliar, por parte dos Parlamentos, os instrumentos de controlo, fiscalização e escrutínio da ação governativa. Entre os clássicos instrumentos de controlo avulta o Inquérito Parlamentar, materializado em Comissões Parlamentares de Inquérito, dotadas de poderes especiais para recolha de informação e para investigação. No seu percurso parlamentar, também as Comissões de Inquérito foram sendo alvo de constantes aperfeiçoamentos, de ordem constitucional, legal e regimental. A excessiva partidarização da atividade parlamentar de outrora e sobretudo a confusão entre o governo e o partido que o sustentava a nível parlamentar, o confronto desequilibrado de meios entre as maiorias e as minorias, levaram a um reposicionamento do inquérito parlamentar enquanto garante do direito das minorias. Não sendo expectável que as grandes iniciativas de controlo sejam tomadas pelo partido maioritário, cabe à oposição esse papel. Em Portugal, diminuta era a tradição do instituto do inquérito parlamentar, razão porque foi efémera e sem resultado a sua utilização no tempo da monarquia constitucional. O regime democrático, abraçado com o 25 de abril de 1974, relançou o órgão de soberania Parlamento e estabeleceu prioridades. Até ao amadurecimento da democracia viveram-se tempos mais conturbados mas de grande aprendizagem. O inquérito Parlamentar, a partir da revisão constitucional de 1982, passou conceptualmente a integrar um dos meios mais relevantes da fiscalização política. É, pois, o levantamento exaustivo e a análise das Comissões Parlamentares de Inquérito no Portugal democrático, período de 1976-2015, o objetivo a que nos propomos neste estudo.

Le rôle du théâtre engagé dans la construction d'un Québec "moderne" : 1965-1976

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Histoire formelle du jeu d’aventure sur ordinateur (le cas de l’Amérique du Nord de 1976-1999)

Cette étude s’intéresse à l’évolution formelle du jeu d’aventure de 1976 à 1999. Elle se propose de mieux comprendre les facteurs historiques contribuant à l’apparition du genre, son institution et ses transformations. La recherche est fondée sur l’analyse du discours de la presse spécialisée en jeux d’ordinateur et d’un corpus étendu d’œuvres. L’une des thèses proposées est que l’identité générique du jeu d’aventure est fondée sur une expérience vidéoludique demeurant relativement constante malgré des variations importantes de formes. Cette expérience est assurée par la reproduction des principaux éléments d’une architecture générale de design de jeu inaugurée par Adventure en 1977. Les variations formelles ponctuelles résultent d’une négociation entre la volonté de s’adapter aux changements de contexte de l’écologie du jeu d’ordinateur et la résistance d’une architecture ludique établie. La pertinence d’une histoire d’un genre vidéoludique est justifiée au premier chapitre en fonction de l’état actuel des connaissances sur l’histoire du jeu vidéo et du jeu d’aventure. On y précise également le cadre théorique, la méthodologie et les sources étudiées. Le deuxième chapitre s’intéresse à la genèse d’Adventure de Crowther et Woods (1976; 1977) en fonction des diverses pratiques culturelles dans lesquelles l’œuvre s’inscrit. Cette analyse permet d’en dégager l’architecture ludique. Le troisième chapitre porte sur le « tournant narratif » du jeu d’aventure ayant lieu au début des années 1980. On y décrit différents facteurs historiques poussant le genre vers l’enchâssement d’histoires pré-écrites afin d’en faire un véhicule narratif. Le quatrième chapitre décrit le contexte du « tournant graphique », passage du jeu d’aventure d’une représentation textuelle à un régime visuel, ainsi que ses conséquences expérientielles. Le « tournant ergonomique » décrit au cinquième chapitre traite de l’apparition du modèle « pointer et cliquer » en fonction des avancées des connaissances concernant les interactions humain-machine ainsi que de la maturation du design de jeu comme pratique autonome. Le dernier chapitre relate l’apogée du jeu d’aventure au début de la révolution multimédia sous ses formes de film interactif et « Myst-like » puis du ralentissement – voire de l’arrêt – de son évolution formelle.

Dinámicas de externalización entre las ONG locales y las ONG extranjeras (terceros actores) presentes en Egipto: 2004-2009 (TERCEROS ACTORES) PRESENTES EN EGIPTO: 2004-2009

El propósito de la presente monografía es evaluar el papel de las ONG internacionales en la apertura de espacios de participación política para la sociedad civil en Egipto. En ese sentido, se analiza el contexto de oportunidades políticas locales y transnacionales del país, así como los procesos de articulación entre la política local e internacional a través de los niveles de integración entre sus actores. Mediante una investigación de tipo cualitativa basada en los desarrollos sobre teorías de la acción colectiva planteados por Sidney Tarrow, Charles Tilly, Robert Benford y David Snow, y las teorías sobre redes transnacionales de defensa desarrolladas por Margaret Keck y Kathryn Sikkink, se avanza hacia la identificación del desarrollo de procesos de externalización como medio para el fortalecimiento de organizaciones locales como alternativa de oposición política.

La revolución como metáfora política: para una comprensión de la revolución fascista de Benito Mussolini

Asumiendo que existe una tendencia de la opinión pública y académica por relacionar la idea de revolución con procesos netamente de izquierda, se propone comprender el término como concepto y como metáfora con el fin de alejarlo de la polarización ideológica. En esta investigación se abordan los conceptos políticos y su relación con las metáforas a partir de unos principios teóricos básicos: la idea de Koselleck de que los conceptos tienen historia, y la idea de Blumenberg de que muchos conceptos fundamentales son potentes porque en el fondo son metáforas. Posteriormente se observa cómo las diferentes posturas políticas han adoptado o rechazado la idea de revolución como parte de sus proyectos políticos. Finalmente, el caso del fascismo se presenta como un escenario clave para comprobar la trascendencia del concepto y las implicaciones de su uso en términos discursivos y prácticos

Strategies: Revolution in climate prediction is both necessary and possible: A declaration at the World Modelling Summit for Climate Prediction

The impending threat of global climate change and its regional manifestations is among the most important and urgent problems facing humanity. Society needs accurate and reliable estimates of changes in the probability of regional weather variations to develop science-based adaptation and mitigation strategies. Recent advances in weather prediction and in our understanding and ability to model the climate system suggest that it is both necessary and possible to revolutionize climate prediction to meet these societal needs. However, the scientific workforce and the computational capability required to bring about such a revolution is not available in any single nation. Motivated by the success of internationally funded infrastructure in other areas of science, this paper argues that, because of the complexity of the climate system, and because the regional manifestations of climate change are mainly through changes in the statistics of regional weather variations, the scientific and computational requirements to predict its behavior reliably are so enormous that the nations of the world should create a small number of multinational high-performance computing facilities dedicated to the grand challenges of developing the capabilities to predict climate variability and change on both global and regional scales over the coming decades. Such facilities will play a key role in the development of next-generation climate models, build global capacity in climate research, nurture a highly trained workforce, and engage the global user community, policy-makers, and stakeholders. We recommend the creation of a small number of multinational facilities with computer capability at each facility of about 20 peta-flops in the near term, about 200 petaflops within five years, and 1 exaflop by the end of the next decade. Each facility should have sufficient scientific workforce to develop and maintain the software and data analysis infrastructure. Such facilities will enable questions of what resolution, both horizontal and vertical, in atmospheric and ocean models, is necessary for more confident predictions at the regional and local level. Current limitations in computing power have placed severe limitations on such an investigation, which is now badly needed. These facilities will also provide the world's scientists with the computational laboratories for fundamental research on weather–climate interactions using 1-km resolution models and on atmospheric, terrestrial, cryospheric, and oceanic processes at even finer scales. Each facility should have enabling infrastructure including hardware, software, and data analysis support, and scientific capacity to interact with the national centers and other visitors. This will accelerate our understanding of how the climate system works and how to model it. It will ultimately enable the climate community to provide society with climate predictions, which are based on our best knowledge of science and the most advanced technology.