234 resultados para politician
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From the Introduction. There have been several significant changes on Moldova’s domestic political scene in the wake of the November 2014 parliamentary elections there. Negotiations lasted nearly two months and resulted in the formation of a minority coalition composed of two groupings: the Liberal-Democratic Party (PLDM) and the Democratic Party (PDM). New coalition received unofficial support from the Communist Party (PCRM), which had previously been considered an opposition party. Contrary to their initial announcements, PDLM and PDM did not admit the Liberal Party led by Mihai Ghimpu to power. Moreover, they blocked the nomination for prime minister of the incumbent, Iurie Leancă. Leancă has been perceived by many as an honest politician and a guarantor of reforms. This situation resulted in the political model present in Moldova since 2009 being preserved. In this model the state’s institutions are subordinated to two main oligarch politicians: Vlad Filat (the leader of PLDM) and Vlad Plahotniuc (a billionaire who de facto controls PDM).
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There have been several significant changes on Moldova’s domestic political scene in the wake of the November 2014 parliamentary elections there. Negotiations lasted nearly two months and resulted in the formation of a minority coalition composed of two groupings: the Liberal-Democratic Party (PLDM) and the Democratic Party (PDM). New coalition received unofficial support from the Communist Party (PCRM), which had previously been considered an opposition party. Contrary to their initial announcements, PDLM and PDM did not admit the Liberal Party led by Mihai Ghimpu to power. Moreover, they blocked the nomination for prime minister of the incumbent, Iurie Leancă. Leancă has been perceived by many as an honest politician and a guarantor of reforms. This situation resulted in the political model present in Moldova since 2009 being preserved. In this model the state’s institutions are subordinated to two main oligarch politicians: Vlad Filat (the leader of PLDM) and Vlad Plahotniuc (a billionaire who de facto controls PDM).
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Two years after the Revolution of Dignity, Odessa Oblast, one of Ukraine’s key regions in economic and political terms, is still strongly polarised as regards its residents’ views on the future of their country. The political circles rooted in the Party of Regions have maintained their influence to a great extent due to increasing dissatisfaction with the central government’s activity and with the economic crisis which has strongly affected the public. Politicians linked to the ancien régime remain the most important political players. Some pro-Ukrainian circles had pinned their hopes for change in the region on the nomination of the former Georgian president, Mikheil Saakashvili, for governor of Odessa Oblast on 30 May 2015. At the beginning of his rule this politician made widely publicised promises to combat corruption, to improve the quality of the administration services, to develop infrastructure and to attract foreign capital. However, more than half a year has passed since he assumed office, and it is difficult to speak about any spectacular successes in reforming the region. Saakashvili has above all become a player on the national forum, supporting the presidential camp in their struggle with Prime Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk and the oligarch Ihor Kolomoyskyi, among others. However, his nomination has made Odessa Oblast more important for Ukraine, above all in political and symbolic terms. This is because Odessa Oblast is the best manifestation of the condition of the Ukrainian state two years since the Revolution of Dignity – rudimentary reforms or no reforms at all, strong resistance to any changes from the administration, strong local political-business connections, the lack of consolidation among post-Maidan groups and corruption inherent in the system.
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Election forecasting models assume retrospective economic voting and clear mechanisms of accountability. Previous research indeed indicates that incumbent political parties are being held accountable for the state of the economy. In this article we develop a ‘hard case’ for the assumptions of election forecasting models. Belgium is a multiparty system with perennial coalition governments. Furthermore, Belgium has two completely segregated party systems (Dutch and French language). Since the prime minister during the period 1974-2011 has always been a Dutch language politician, French language voters could not even vote for the prime minister, so this cognitive shortcut to establish political accountability is not available. Results of an analysis for the French speaking parties (1981-2010) show that even in these conditions of opaque accountability, retrospective economic voting occurs as election results respond to indicators with regard to GDP and unemployment levels. Party membership figures can be used to model the popularity function in election forecasting.
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The present 30 volumes seem to have remained with the Dukes of Leuchtenberg, until the ducal library was acquired for sale in 1935 by the dealers Ulrich Hoepli (Milan) and Braus-Riggenbach (Basel). The volumes are not complete, as leaves have been wholly or partly removed throughout; this is particularly evident in preliminary volumes 2 and 10 and volume 75. Prints and the relatively small number of drawings are mostly French, with some German, Dutch and English, and are mostly of the 17th or 18th centuries. They are mounted generally on rectos of leaves, often with hand-written captions. Large prints are occasionally bound in directly; these are often folded. The engraved general title page (bearing the date 1788) appears at the beginning of each volume; below the printed title a hand-written volume number and brief title describing the volume's contents usually appear. In many volumes the title leaf is followed by a hand-written contents leaf listing the section titles, which are also written individually throughout the volume on leaves with etched decorative frames. Sections are numbered continuously throughout the work as a whole. Numbering of the leaves, when present, appears in black ink within each volume at top center recto. Printmakers include B. & J. Audran, Francesco Bartolozzi, Abraham Bosse, Stefano della Bella, Jacques Callot, François Chéreau, Wenceslaus Hollar, Romeyn de Hooghe, Raymond La Fage, Sébastien Le Clerc, Pierre Lepautre, Claude Mellan, Bernard Picart, and Simon Thomassin. There are also early color prints by Gautier-Dagoty and Jean-Baptiste Morret.
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Includes index.
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Most of the tracts have special title-pages.
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v. 1. Mr. Isacs -- v. 2. Doctor Claudius -- v. 3. To leeward -- v. 4. A roman singer -- v. 5. An American politician -- v. 6. Marzio's crucifix. Zoroaster -- v. 7. A tale of a lonely parish -- v. 8. Paul Patoff -- v. 9. Love in idleness. Marion Darche -- v. 10. Saracinesca -- v. 11. Sant' Ilario -- v. 12. Don Orsino -- v. 13. Corleone -- v. 14. With the immortals -- v. 15. Greifenstein -- v. 16. A cigarett-maker's romance. Khaled -- v. 17. The witch of Prague -- v. 18. The three fates -- v. 19. Taquisara -- v. 20. The children of the king -- v. 21. Pietro Ghisleri -- v. 22. Katherine Lauderdale -- v. 23. The Ralstons -- v. 24-25. Casa Braccio -- v. 26. Adam Johnstone's son. A rose of yesterday -- v. 27. Via crucis -- v. 28. In the palace of the king -- v. 29. Marietta -- v. 31. The heart of Rome -- v. 32. Whosoever shall offens.
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Riverside Press, Cambridge, Mass.
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v. 1. Some account of Shirley and his writings. Commendatory verses on Shirley. Love tricks, or, The school of complement. The maid's revenge. The brothers. The witty fair one. The wedding.--v. 2. The grateful servant. The traitor. Love's cruelty. Love in a maze. The bird in a cage. Hyde park.--v. 3. The ball. The young admiral. The gamester. The example. The opportunity. The coronation.--v. 4. The lady of pleasure. The royal master. The duke's mistress. The doubtful heir. St. Patrick for Ireland. The constant maid. The humorous courtier.--v. 5. The gentleman of Venice. The politician. The imposture. The cardinal. The sisters. The court secret.--v. 6. Honoria and Mammon. Chabot, admiral of France. The Arcadia. The triumph of peace. A contention for honour and riches. The triumph of beauty. Cupid and death. The contention of Ajax and Ulysses for the armour of Achilles. Poems.
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v.1. Memoir of the unknown author. The Yankee roue. The drunkard. Dyspepsy.--v.2. The cradle of the new world. The politician. The dumb girl.
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"Works cited" at end of each volume.
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The almanacs for 1838, 1843-1855 are published under the title: The Whig almanac ...; for 1839-41: The Politician's register; for 1838-1854 they are photolithographic reproductions with a general title-page reading: The Tribune almanac ... 1838-1868, ... comprehending the Politician's register and The Whig almanac ... Vol. 1.
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The social history of a language or variety, and its emergence, consolidation and stabiliza tion, allow us to combine the formal data of the language (principally its sound structure, grammar and lexis) with the external conditions in which they have evolved. The advance of Australian English in terms of its differentiation (Kloss's abstand) and elaboration of roles (Kloss's ausbau) pose problems of chronology, periodization, description and expla nation. This paper extends the conventional scope of abstand and ausbau to the analysis of the social history of Australian English. It argues that two factors are central to the emerging identification of Australian English: creativity, in the sense of morphological innovation, especially here in diminutives like reffo ('refugee') and pollie ('politician'); and in ludicity, defined as a deep-rooted playfulness with language. While these character istics are only part of the overall dynamics of the social history of Australian English, the evidence is sufficiently extensive to warrant further investigation. An earlier version of this paper was given at the Mitchell Symposium at Macquarie University on 26 April 2002 under the title ‘E pluribus plures? Diversity and integrity in Australian English’. I am grateful to members of the Symposium, and to two anonymous reviewers, for valuable comments and criticism
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O ensino de Administração no Brasil, assim como em outros países, teve início para atender à demanda por profissionais capacitados a responder a necessidade de organização das grandes empresas que estavam em processo de surgimento. Três grandes eixos sustentam o direcionamento desses cursos, ainda nos dias de hoje: econômico, político e educacional. A proposta do presente trabalho é a da reavaliação do paradigma que determinou a construção dos programas das Instituições de Ensino Superior da área de Administração, considerando-se que em tempos atuais, a estrutura sócio-econômica que demanda jovens e adultos formados por esses cursos, configura-se diferentemente daquela que motivou seu surgimento. Naquela época, tendo como inspiração as universidades norte-americanas, as IES brasileiras também visavam atender à demanda das grandes empresas aqui instaladas dentro do processo desenvolvimentista iniciado no governo Vargas. Atualmente, essas grandes empresas, tendo como foco a inovação tecnológica, não mas absorvem adequadamente os profissionais. Novas estruturas organizacionais como aquelas relacionadas com as Economias Solidárias, surgem como possibilidades para os estudantes.(AU)