Corpos e subjetividades : análise dos processos de embodiment dos ursos no Espírito Santo

Este trabalho vem analisar processos de subjetivação de sujeitos homossexuais que se assumem como ursos. Trazemos o debate de corpos para explicitarmos seus agenciamentos, tanto na produção imagética do que socialmente seriam aqueles sujeitos, dos locais de onde falam, dos grupos que apresentam afinidades, quanto nos processos em que constroem a si mesmos. Os processos de subjetivação não pressupõem um sujeito autônomo, pois sofrem interferências de organizações de forças e saberes que operam na sociedade (FOUCAULT, 2003). Diante disso, recorremos à analíticas de poder propostas por Michel Foucault (1995), Judith Butler (2010) e Laclau e Mouffe (1987), tanto para nos afastarmos de noções de corpos passivos, universais e objetivos, recorrentes em enfoques em hegemonia na Administração, quanto para analisarmos sua construção somente em relação à construção de um sujeito, ou seja, em processos sociais, históricos e políticos de embodiments. Foi realizada uma pesquisa qualitativa, cujos dados foram coletados por meio de entrevistas individuais semiestruturadas com 19 participantes capixabas. Os dados foram analisados sob a ótica pós-estruturalista do discurso tendo em vista as abordagens laclauniana e foucaultiana. O trabalho conclui que o discurso ursino sobredetermina práticas dispersas no campo de homoafetividades ao articular um esquema corpóreo “masculino”. Este esquema se assume como uma das práticas hegemônicas LGBT e, consequentemente, é o primeiro a ser acionado nas subjetivações dos participantes. Porém, este processo não se concretiza de forma plena, nem elimina particularidades e contingências que parodiam as demandas comportamentais emergentes das construções identitárias.

Brazil and the economic, political, and environmental multilateralism: the Lula years (2003-2010)

This article discusses Brazil's multilateral policy under Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva's administration, highlighting economic, political and environmental themes. The main argument is that Brazil's multilateral relations during this government reached a new significance with the reinforcement of international coalitions and the articulation with the country's new development model. The country has been using multilateral forums as a way to achieve international projection and support for its development project, highlighting bargaining aspects, variable geometry coalitions and the strengthening of South-South cooperation

Economic sanctions and human rights: an analysis of competing enforcement strategies in Latin America

This article addresses the consequences of economic sanctions for the protection of human rights in Latin America. The literature on sanctions and compliance informs three hypotheses, which investigate the relationship between sanctions and the level of rights protection in two groups of countries: those that were targeted by sanctions and those that were not. Using data from the Political Terror Scale (PTS) and from Freedom House, I find empirical evidence that sanctions do improve the level of protection in countries that were not targeted. This finding can be explained by the deterrent effect attributed to sanctions by the compliance literature, broadly interpreted. The presence of economic sanctions in a given year increases the probability of observing better human rights practices by almost 50%. These results hold for the 12 Latin American countries that were not subject to economic sanctions for the period 1976-2004.

Political conditions for successful inflation stabilization: comparing Brazil and Argentina

This study tries to understand how Brazil and Argentina, two countries with chronically high inflation, achieved permanent stabilization by looking at political factors necessary for stabilization. It suggests that, although state autonomy or political unity may contribute to successful price stabilization, reconciling the interests of different stakeholders and thereby building a broad political support base is more essential for stabilization to succeed. Political skills of the leaders and compensatory policies may help raise such support and they are more crucial where other political conditions are less favorable. Also, rapid improvement in the economy is important for sustained political support, and thus, for successful stabilization.

«Corruption» and social and economic criminal law: criminology, criminal policy, political science and law&economics - a new idea about criminal liability of legal entities

Abstract: If we think there is a significant number of legal offshore in the globalized world, then there is not even a global consensus about what «corruption» is. The «illegal corruption» in a country may be legal in another. Moreover, the great global corruption is above the law or above democratic States. And not all democratic States are «Rule of Law». Therefore, the solution is global earlier in time and space law, democratic, free and true law. While the human being does not reach a consensus of what «corruption» really is, the discussion will not go further than a caricature. One of the other problems about «corruption» is that it is very difficult to establish the imputation of crimes, including «corruption» (v.g. Portugal) on some «companies», corporations. We have a juridical problem in the composition of the art. 11. of the Portuguese Penal Code.

The political economy of corruption in Brazil

This article is the first part of a research on corruption in Brazil and it is theoretical. Despite this, it provides an economic interpretation of corruption using Brazil as a case study. The main objective of this research is to apply some microeconomic tools to understand the "big corruption". However, I am going to show that corruption is not simply a kind of crime. Rather, it is an ordinary economic activity that arises in some institutional environments. Firstly, some corruption cases in Brazil will be described. This article is aimed at showing that democracy itself does not ensure control over corruption. Secondly, I am going to do a very brief survey of institutional changes and controls over corruption in some Western Societies in which I am going to argue that corruption, its control and its illegality depend on institutional evolution by streamlining the constitutional and institutional framework. Thirdly, I am going to explain how some economic models could be adopted for a better understanding of corruption. Finally, I will present a multiple-self model applied to the public agent (politician and bureaucrat) constrained by institutions and pay-off systems.

Fads and fashions in management: the case of ERP

This article discusses the Enterprise Resource Planning (ERP) rage. ERP represents immense investments for companies around the globe and has been promoted as a management panacea. Not surprisingly, many implementations fail to match expectations. In this study, we propose a broader perspective to comprehend the substantive, institutional, and political factors involved in the ERP phenomenon, as an alternative to the "techno-reductionism" that has characterized the prevailing approach on the subject, and present an exploratory survey of 28 implementation experiences, concentrating on the process of adoption, chosen implementation approaches and outcome assessment.

Organizing resistance movements: contribution of the political discourse theory

The main purpose of this paper is to explore the possibility of articulating Political Discourse Theory (PDT) together with Organizational Studies (OS), while using the opportunity to introduce PDT to those OS scholars who have not yet come across it. The bulk of this paper introduces the main concepts of PDT, discussing how they have been applied to concrete, empirical studies of resistance movements. In recent years, PDT has been increasingly appropriated by OS scholars to problematize and analyze resistances and other forms of social antagonisms within organizational settings, taking the relational and contingent aspects of struggles into consideration. While the paper supports the idea of a joint articulation of PDT and OS, it raises a number of critical questions of how PDT concepts have been empirically used to explain the organization of resistance movements. The paper sets out a research agenda for how both PDT and OS can together contribute to our understanding of new, emerging organizational forms of resistance movements.

Reelection incentives and political budget cycle: evidence from Brazil

This article tests the presence of political budget cycle (PBC) in municipal elections in Brazil and checks whether mayors who adopt such policy have greater probability of reelection. Based on fiscal and electoral data of 5,406 Brazilian municipalities and applying the difference-in-differences econometric method as well as logistic regressions, the results provide some evidence of PBC in Brazil, although its magnitude and consistency varies depending on the years used as electoral and non-electoral years. On average, reelectable mayors spend close to 3% more in election years than nonreelectables. Moreover, reelectables who do run for reelection present a variation in spending which is close to 5% superior to that of non-reelectables and non-runners. Additionally, the results suggest that mayors who increase public spending during electoral periods have greater chances of being reelected, as long as such spending is done within deficit limits acceptable by voters.

“The political economy of the Church”

A igreja de Goa é uma filha da expansão portuguesa. Nasceu e cresceu no âmbito do Padroado português do Oriente. Essa ligação beneficiou e prejudicou a sua missão espiritual. Desde 1961 a igreja de Goa enfrenta os desafios da democracia. Apesar da demonstração de progresso visível, há muito caminho para percorrer, particularmente no que diz respeito à administração dos bens temporais da igreja e com maior participação leiga nessa área.

O papel da Organização das Nações Unidas em Angola

RESUMO: Angola tem sido ao longo dos tempos objecto de cobiça por parte de países estrangeiros por motivações diversas, que foram desde interesses coloniais – como aconteceu com Portugal, que durante séculos a colonizou, e da Holanda, que dominou Luanda entre 1641 e 1648 – ou por interesses hegemónicos, ideológicos e políticos – como sucedeu com os EUA e a URSS, mas também com a Republica Popular da China e Cuba – e até por interesses regionais – como foram os casos da África do Sul e dos contíguos Congo Belga, hoje Republica Democrática do Congo, e Zâmbia. No entanto, a todos estes interesses diversos não se pode excluir um que lhes é transversal: o interesse económico. De facto, os 1246700 km² de que Angola dispõe, aliados à sua excelente localização geográfica com uma extensa costa atlântica e a sua extraordinária riqueza em recursos naturais podem explicar este envolvimento estrangeiro na História de Angola. No que diz respeito ao objecto da Dissertação, o envolvimento da ONU nas questões relacionadas com Angola remonta à década de 50, ou seja, ao período colonial e muito antes da independência do país em 1975, devido à política descolonizadora saída da II Guerra Mundial. Além disso, a dinâmica que emergiu da II Guerra Mundial, rapidamente, reconfigurou o panorama político internacional em dois blocos: o ocidental liderado pelos EUA e o de Leste liderado pela URSS, que se envolveram numa Guerra Fria, polarização cujos efeitos se ligam de forma trágica à guerra em Angola, primeiro para a autodeterminação, e, depois, já num contexto de independência, num conflito armado que ultrapassou o plano interno. Os interesses dos EUA e da URSS, que começaram por ser antagónicos, deram lugar em 1989 com o fim da bipolaridade a uma cooperação mais aberta e uma abertura política em Angola rumo à paz e ao início da construção da democracia. Neste trabalho estuda-se o papel da ONU em Angola, quer no período de luta pela independência, quer depois, na busca da paz no sangrento conflito – nem sempre civil – que mesmo antes da data da independência, a 11 de Novembro de 1975, e até Fevereiro de 2002, dilacerou o país. Procura-se, igualmente, analisar o contributo da ONU na consolidação das instituições e na construção de um regime democrático em Angola. ABSTRACT: Angola has been along time subject to the greed of several foreign countries for many reasons and motivations which go from colonial interests - that is the cases of, Portugal which for centuries colonized it, and Netherlands under whose administration had been Luanda between 1641 and 1648 - or for hegemonic, ideological and political interests - as it happened in regard to USA and USSR, but also People‟s Republic of China, Cuba, - and even for regional interests - regarding South Africa Republic, and the neighbouring countries, Democratic Republic of Congo (ancient Republic of the Congo “Leopoldville”), and the Republic of Zambia. On the other hand to these interests we may join another which is transversal to all of them: economic interest. Effectively, Angola‟s 481,351 square miles (1,246,700 Km2) estimated area, combined with its excellent geographical location with a lengthy Atlantic coast, its extraordinary richness in natural resources may well explain this foreign participation in its Political History. Concerning the objective of this work, the UN has been involved in matters regarding Angola since the decade of 50 of the last century, during the colonial period, long before the independence of the country in 1975, due to the decolonization policy emerged from the Second World War. Furthermore, after the Second World War, international environment has changed, transforming quickly the world into two main blocs, the West with the leadership of the USA and the East with the leadership of USSR which went into a Cold War. The effects of this polarization reached tragically Angola, early in the fight for self-determination, and went on later after independence in an armed conflict, which has overcome the internal dimension. The USA and USSR interests, at the beginning being antagonistic had become by 1989, with the end of bipolarity, more cooperative, leading Angola to a political reform towards peace and beginning the construction of democracy. In this academic work it‟s studied the UNO role in Angola since the fight for self-determination early in the sixties of last century, and later in the search for peace during the bloody - and not always civil – war conflict which very before independence date in 11th November 1975, and as long as 2002, divided the country. Additionally, this work aims to understand the UNO contribution to consolidate institutions and to promote democracy in Angola.

A questão do género em Moçambique: contributo para uma análise da sua problemática

RESUMO:O desenvolvimento entendido como um processo político, económico e social, visando uma melhoria constante do bem-estar de toda a população, requer a alocação e utilização de recursos para benefício social e económico da sociedade. Porém, em Moçambique, neste processo, o crescimento e progressão dos grupos sociais ainda é desigual, ocorrendo uma certa marginalização e menor participação nos processos de tomada de decisão, das mulheres e dos grupos desfavorecidos. O presente estudo, subordinado ao tema: “A Questão do Género em Moçambique: Contributo para uma análise da sua problemática”, procurou compreender a importância e o contributo das mulheres moçambicanas inseridas em diferentes áreas de desenvolvimento e o seu empoderamento. O estudo foi centrado nas diversas formas de luta e de intervenção contra a pobreza e a exclusão social. A metodologia do presente trabalho consistiu numa pesquisa empírica através da observação participante, onde foram feitas entrevistas, utilizando guiões pré-elaborados que permitiram recolher os perfis sociológicos das ONGs que trabalham directamente com as questões de género. Foram entrevistadas mulheres que ocupam lugares-chave nas instituições governamentais e algumas parlamentares. Foi igualmente consultada a documentação oficial bem como os dados estatísticos que abordam questões ligadas ao género. As observações feitas indicam-nos que a mulher em Moçambique busca gradualmente o seu espaço no desenvolvimento da sociedade, não se esgotando a sua participação apenas nos processos decisórios a nível governamental e das ONGs, antes estendendo-se ao associativismo nos mais diversos campos sociais. A mulher moçambicana participa hoje, individualmente ou organizada em grupo, em lutas e reivindicações colectivas, tendo crescido positivamente ao conseguir ultrapassar diversos obstáculos. A título de conclusão recomenda-se a inclusão de profissionais da área social nos programas de desenvolvimento. Seria uma forma de fortalecer os avanços já alcançados. A presença de assistentes sociais nos órgãos públicos e noutros sectores mais sensíveis, iria por certo permitir reduzir as preocupações dos que buscam estes serviços. ABSTRACT: The present study on the subject: “The Question of Gender in Mozambique: Development and Issues”, demand to understand the importance and contribution that non-governmental organizations provides on the effort of Mozambican woman in having in the society the space that on right belongs to her. The development understood as the economic, social, cultural and political process that aimed a continuous improvement of the population welfare, require the allocation and use of resources for social and economic benefit of society. However in many countries, as is the case of Mozambique, this process is the advancement of certain groups accompanied by the marginalization, exclusion and subordination of others, especially women. Despite improvement in education and combating poverty, access to education for women remains an unusual reality and poverty persists to affect much of Mozambican women, thus causing its social exclusion. On the other hand, although the law recognizes gender equality, women are still oppressed and often the only career that is destined is to be married, take care of the field and having children. However, several exceptions have occurred in which women have to take political positions and functions exclusively reserved to men before. Women's organizations and women leaders participating in favour of the defence of other women have been contributing to its success. UFUPISHO:Maendeleo, yanayosikiwa kama utaratibu wa jamii, ambao unalinga hali njema ya mustarehe wa watu wote wa nchi, yanahitaji toleo na utumizi wa vifaa kwa fadhili ya jamii na ya kiuchumi ya watu jamii. Walakini katika Mozambiki, mwendeleo unaotukia utaratibuni huu hauko sawa. Funzo hili la kuhusu jambo: “ Swali la jinsi ya kuwa kiume au kike Mozambiki: Maendeleo na Tatizo “, lilitafuta kufahamu muhimu na msaada wa wanawake wa Mozambiki katika maeneo mbalimbali ya maendeleo na ongezo la uwezo wao. Funzo lilifanywa juu ya namna nyingi za mapigano na uamuzi kwa kupingana na umaskini na ondoleo katika jamii. Taratibu ya funzo hili ilikuwa uchunguzi jarabati katika onyo la kushirika,ambamo yalifanywa mahojiano, yakitumia maongozi yaliyofanywa mbele ambayo yaliruhusu kujua tabia za elimujamii za “ONGs” ambazo zinafanya kazi juu ya maswali ya jinsi ya kuwa kiume au kike. Walihojiwa wanawake ambao wanamiliki kazi muhimu katika mashirika ya serikali na wanawake wa bunge. Zilichunguwa pia hati rasmi na takwimu zinazohusu maswali ya jinsi ya kuwa kiume au kike. Maonyo yaliyofanywa yanatuonyesha ya kwamba mwanamke katika Mozambika anatafuta kidogo kidogo nafasi yake maendeleoni ya watu jamii, asipojichosha tu kwa kushirika katika taratibu za kubezwa za serikali za “ONGs” na ushirikiano, ukijitanda kwa maeneo ya jamii makubwa zaidi. Mwanamke wa Mozambiki anashirika peke au kwa kundi, akiunganika mapiganoni na madaini ya pamoja, akigua na akiweza kupita vizuizi vingi. Inashauriwa kwamba kama namna ya kuimarisha maendeleo na kwa sababu mwanamke yuko katika sehemu nyingi za jamii, anaingia ndani ya sekta mbalimbali za ufundi kama kwa mfano msaidizi wa jamii. Kuwapo kwa msaidizi wa jamii katika mashirika ya umma na katika sekta nyingine mbalimbali kutaruhusu kumaliza shughuliko ya wale ambao wanatafuta kazi hizi.

Looking the organization's "backstages": political leadership in health organizations

Although leadership investigation has become for the last years an election topic with major relevance on organizational studies and accepting peacefully the general idea that organizations are freeland for politics, all these acceptances run against a kind of “fear” from the academy scholars on approaching the political leaderships’ singularities on organizations. Indeed, when we cross over both phenomena we verify that the absence and weaknesses towards the unique characteristics of political leadership on work scenarios are becoming sharped regarding to their predictors, their workers and their organizations, even if we left aside its moderator variables.