986 resultados para political interest


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This study tries to understand how Brazil and Argentina, two countries with chronically high inflation, achieved permanent stabilization by looking at political factors necessary for stabilization. It suggests that, although state autonomy or political unity may contribute to successful price stabilization, reconciling the interests of different stakeholders and thereby building a broad political support base is more essential for stabilization to succeed. Political skills of the leaders and compensatory policies may help raise such support and they are more crucial where other political conditions are less favorable. Also, rapid improvement in the economy is important for sustained political support, and thus, for successful stabilization.

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Purpose – The health and social care sector is receiving growing attention due to the increased life expectancy and to the public demand for a better quality of life and better health services. New cost-efficient approaches are required, and the paper aims to present and discuss the main results of a study undertaken in a Portuguese municipality on the perceived relevance of an e-marketplace of social and healthcare services for the inhabitants in general, and for people with special needs in particular, and the identification of the most relevant services to be offered through this platform. Design/methodology/approach – A wide survey was undertaken to identify the needs of potential users and their expectancies with relation to the proposed platform. The results of the study are a support for the project promoters to understand the viability of the solution and the requirements to the deployment of the pilot experiment, as well as to drive the selection of domains of activities/classes of services to be offered by the platform. Findings – Services such as information about healthcare services, home monitoring/accompanying services 24 hours per day, and personal hygiene services provided at home are the ones recognized by the inquired citizens as the most important, which indicates that the potential users will be mostly people with special needs or their family or caregivers. Originality/value – While still at a preliminary development phase, the project represents a good opportunity to develop a totally innovative service with high potential impact for the senior population and for individuals with special needs.

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The health and social care sector is receiving growing attention for the last years, due to the increased life expectancy, the public demand for a better quality of life and for better health services. These requirements can be met with more cost-efficient approaches and using new technology-based solutions for providing services. The paper presents and discusses some of the main results of a study undertaken in Guimarães, a Municipality at the North of Portugal, on the perceived relevance of an e-Marketplace of social and healthcare services for the inhabitants in general, and in particular for people with special needs; the study also included the identification of the most relevant services to be offered by this platform and allowed concluding that such an e-Marketplace is of recognized relevance and that it is expected a good adhesion from the population.

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Abstract: If we think there is a significant number of legal offshore in the globalized world, then there is not even a global consensus about what «corruption» is. The «illegal corruption» in a country may be legal in another. Moreover, the great global corruption is above the law or above democratic States. And not all democratic States are «Rule of Law». Therefore, the solution is global earlier in time and space law, democratic, free and true law. While the human being does not reach a consensus of what «corruption» really is, the discussion will not go further than a caricature. One of the other problems about «corruption» is that it is very difficult to establish the imputation of crimes, including «corruption» (v.g. Portugal) on some «companies», corporations. We have a juridical problem in the composition of the art. 11. of the Portuguese Penal Code.

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Baccharis trimera (Less.) (Asteraceae), popularly know as "carqueja", is a species commonly used in folk medicine for the treatment or prevention of diseases. In this context, the purpose of this work was to study the antibacterial activity of crude hydroalcoholic extract from Baccharis trimera against Gram-positive bacterial strains (Staphylococcus aureus ATCC 29213, Staphylococcus saprophyticus ATCC 15305, Staphylococcus epidermidis ATCC 12228, Enterococcus faecalis ATCC 19433) and Gram-negative bacteria (Escherichia coli EHEC ATCC 43895, Pseudomonas aeruginosa ATCC 27853, Klebsiella pneumoniae ATCC 27736, Salmonella typhi ATCC 19430) of clinical interest. Antibacterial susceptibility was evaluated by broth microdilution assay following the CLSI (formerly the NCCLS) guidelines. The extract from B. trimera showed antibacterial activity against Gram-positive bacteria and the most interesting result was obtained against S. epidermidis that presented Minimal Inhibitory Concentration of 250μg/mL. These results indicate that B. trimera have bacterisostatic potential against Gram-positive bacterial strains of medical interest and could serve as a base for further studies on the use of isolated compounds from this species as future antimicrobials.

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Paulo Mota Pinto é licenciado, mestre e doutor em ciências jurídico-civilísticas pela Faculdade de Direito da Universidade de Coimbra. Assistimos às suas provas de Doutoramento em 16/1/2008: “Interesse Contratual Negativo e Interesse Contratual Positivo”. Abstract: Paulo Mota Pinto is licensed, Master and Doctor of Legal and Civil Sciences, Faculty of Law, University of Coimbra. Watched their PhD evidence 16/01/2008: "Interest Contract Contract Positive Negative Interest".

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In a Europe increasingly aging, it is now recognized the importance and potential of the service industry for ageing well based on information and communication technologies (ICT), as exemplified by the electronic market of social services and health care, the GuiMarket, proposed by the authors. However, this new range of services requires that individuals have advanced digital skills to fully participate in society. Based on the results of a survey made on a sample of 315 individuals, this paper discusses the importance granted GuiMarket and the intended frequency of use, concluding there is a close relationship between ICT access and use that respondents anticipate making of GuiMarket and alike services.

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Art. 114º da Constituição da República Portuguesa: “1. Os partidos políticos participam nos órgãos baseados no sufrágio universal e directo, de acordo com a sua representatividade eleitoral. 2. É reconhecido às minorias o direito de oposição democrática, nos termos da Constituição e da lei. 3. Os partidos políticos representados na Assembleia da República e que não façam parte do Governo gozam, designadamente, do direito de serem informados regular e directamente pelo Governo sobre o andamento dos principais assuntos de interesse público, de igual direito gozando os partidos políticos representados nas Assembleias Legislativas das regiões autónomas e em quaisquer outras assembleias designadas por eleição directa relativamente aos correspondentes executivos de que não façam parte.”. § Article 114 of the Constitution of the Portuguese Republic. "1. Political parties shall participate in organs based on direct and universal suffrage, according to their electoral representation. 2. It is recognized minorities the right to democratic opposition, under the Constitution and the law. 3. Political parties represented in Parliament and not forming part of the Government shall, in particular, the right to be informed regularly and directly by the Government on the progress of the main matters of public interest, equal rights enjoying the political parties represented in Legislative Assemblies of the autonomous regions and any other assemblies formed through direct elections with respect to the corresponding executives who are not part. ".

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This article is the first part of a research on corruption in Brazil and it is theoretical. Despite this, it provides an economic interpretation of corruption using Brazil as a case study. The main objective of this research is to apply some microeconomic tools to understand the "big corruption". However, I am going to show that corruption is not simply a kind of crime. Rather, it is an ordinary economic activity that arises in some institutional environments. Firstly, some corruption cases in Brazil will be described. This article is aimed at showing that democracy itself does not ensure control over corruption. Secondly, I am going to do a very brief survey of institutional changes and controls over corruption in some Western Societies in which I am going to argue that corruption, its control and its illegality depend on institutional evolution by streamlining the constitutional and institutional framework. Thirdly, I am going to explain how some economic models could be adopted for a better understanding of corruption. Finally, I will present a multiple-self model applied to the public agent (politician and bureaucrat) constrained by institutions and pay-off systems.

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The main purpose of this paper is to explore the possibility of articulating Political Discourse Theory (PDT) together with Organizational Studies (OS), while using the opportunity to introduce PDT to those OS scholars who have not yet come across it. The bulk of this paper introduces the main concepts of PDT, discussing how they have been applied to concrete, empirical studies of resistance movements. In recent years, PDT has been increasingly appropriated by OS scholars to problematize and analyze resistances and other forms of social antagonisms within organizational settings, taking the relational and contingent aspects of struggles into consideration. While the paper supports the idea of a joint articulation of PDT and OS, it raises a number of critical questions of how PDT concepts have been empirically used to explain the organization of resistance movements. The paper sets out a research agenda for how both PDT and OS can together contribute to our understanding of new, emerging organizational forms of resistance movements.

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This article tests the presence of political budget cycle (PBC) in municipal elections in Brazil and checks whether mayors who adopt such policy have greater probability of reelection. Based on fiscal and electoral data of 5,406 Brazilian municipalities and applying the difference-in-differences econometric method as well as logistic regressions, the results provide some evidence of PBC in Brazil, although its magnitude and consistency varies depending on the years used as electoral and non-electoral years. On average, reelectable mayors spend close to 3% more in election years than nonreelectables. Moreover, reelectables who do run for reelection present a variation in spending which is close to 5% superior to that of non-reelectables and non-runners. Additionally, the results suggest that mayors who increase public spending during electoral periods have greater chances of being reelected, as long as such spending is done within deficit limits acceptable by voters.

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A igreja de Goa é uma filha da expansão portuguesa. Nasceu e cresceu no âmbito do Padroado português do Oriente. Essa ligação beneficiou e prejudicou a sua missão espiritual. Desde 1961 a igreja de Goa enfrenta os desafios da democracia. Apesar da demonstração de progresso visível, há muito caminho para percorrer, particularmente no que diz respeito à administração dos bens temporais da igreja e com maior participação leiga nessa área.

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RESUMO: Na sociedade da comunicação e da informação, as escolas ainda não conseguiram compreender o seu papel de facilitadoras do conhecimento que o mundo está promovendo entre a realidade da escola e o interesse do educando. Um dos fatores para isso é o crescimento das escolas ao longo dos séculos e a necessidade de superação decorrente do alargamento da educação, que têm gerado um conhecimento complexo que descreve as reflexões e conscientizações sobre o nosso próprio desenvolvimento humano e sobre a nossa participação no mundo em que estamos vivendo. Essas complexidades possibilitam mudanças, principalmente nas questões epistemológicas e paradigmáticas, que proporcionaram outra forma de conceber o conhecimento e os saberes, chamado de “ecologia dos saberes”. Nesse contexto, existe a necessidade de se fazer uma leitura crítica na e da escola e de sua participação junto à comunidade escolar, objetivando minimizar as relações de dominação, de normatizações, de disciplinamento, de concentração de poder, para direcionar a educação num processo emancipatório, democrático, consciente das mudanças, de forma a incluir todos os saberes possíveis para acompanhar e valorizar a realidade escolar, através da participação de alta intensidade na construção e reconstrução do seu projeto político pedagógico. Para tanto, iremos discorrer sobre três escolas, a partir da análise de cada uma dentro da realidade construída por elas, buscando demonstrar que as escolas, dentro dos seus contextos educacionais, possuem diferentes realidades que não podem ser generalizadas, mas que devem ser compreendidas no sentido de que sejam promovidas a autonomia escolar e o fortalecimento da democracia educacional, objetivando a superação das condições atuais da educação para se adequar à sociedade e ao mundo atual. ABSTRACT: In the present society of communication and information, schools have not yet been able to understand their roles as facilitators of the knowledge that the world is promoting between the reality of school and the interest of the learner. One of the reasons for that is the growth of schools along the centuries as well as their constant need for getting over old problems, due to the expansion of education. These questions lead to a complex knowledge which describes reflections on our own human development and on our participation in the world we live in. These complexities lead to changes, especially in epistemological and paradigmatic questions, making it possible for new ways of conceiving knowledge, known as “ecology of knowledge”. In this context, there is a need for making a critical reading about school and its participation in the school community, with the objective to minimize the relations of domination, power concentration and discipline and to direct education towards a process of emancipation and democracy, in which there is conscience of the necessary changes to include all possible knowledge as a way to value the reality of school through a high intensity participation in the construction and reconstruction of its political and pedagogical project. Thus, this study will discuss three schools, basing this discussion on the analysis of each school within the reality built by them, trying to demonstrate that, within their educational contexts, each one possesses different realities that cannot be generalized. These differences must, however, be understood, in order to allow the promotion of school autonomy and the strengthening of educational democracy with the objective to get over education`s present conditions and adjust them to society and to the present world.

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RESUMO: Com o actual quadro de descentralização de atribuições e competências da administração central para as autarquias locais, na área da educação, os municípios passam a investir cada vez mais na acção educativa ao liderarem e planearem políticas educativas locais mais ou menos explícitas, e, nalguns casos, tentando superar carências que o sistema educativo apresenta. Esta pesquisa tem como problemática compreender o papel do Estado na (re)configuração das políticas de educação, quando a tendência para a mudança, de um Estado-educador para um Estado-regulador, tem por pressuposto o discurso neoliberal de que com ‗menos‘ Estado mas maior accountability se obtêm melhores resultados. Este processo origina uma redefinição no papel e funções do Estado no plano social e económico, provocando constrangimentos e conflitos de poder no que respeita ao seu controlo político, com a redistribuição de poderes entre o Estado e a comunidade, entre o central e o local. É neste contexto de mudança que a presente investigação, que se situa no âmbito da análise das políticas educativas, procura averiguar como e com que meios as autarquias locais concretizam as suas competências na área da educação. A estratégia de investigação concentra-se em uma metodologia qualitativa, com a utilização de um estudo exploratório, em três municípios da Região de Lisboa e Vale do Tejo. As actuais políticas educativas derivam da nova visão na gestão da coisa pública – res publica –, como resultado da nova concepção para o próprio Estado, e dos processos de elaboração das decisões político-educativas. Nesta perspectiva, a descentralização passa a ser um instrumento do poder local que favorece o aumento da autoridade democrática dos actores. Todavia, a governação – governance – supõe uma dinâmica de negociação, até mesmo de regulação entre o Estado, a região, o local, a escola e o mercado, feita para atender à construção do interesse geral, que já não é totalmente definido pelo Estado, mas construído em conjunto com as diversas forças políticas, económicas, educativas e sociais. O estudo permitiu evidenciar que a descentralização é posta em causa pelo Estado central, quando este ‗recentraliza‘ decisões e condiciona o poder local, com o fecho da maioria das escolas do primeiro ciclo e a verticalização dos agrupamentos escolares. Por sua vez, algumas políticas educativas como a ‗Escola a Tempo Inteiro‘ fomentam a desregulação dos vínculos laborais, forçando os municípios a aumentar os seus meios técnicos e humanos e a construírem novas infra-estruturas educativas. As políticas educativas passaram a ser concebidas segundo uma matriz híbrida, que visam a municipalização da educação – do pré-escolar e de todo o ensino básico –, por um lado; e fomentam a situação de ‗quase-mercado‘ com a privatização de sectores e o financiamento de várias instituições – que fornecem serviços na área da educação –, por outro lado. ABSTRACT: With the current framework of decentralization of functions and powers from central government to local authorities, in education, the municipalities are investing each more in educational work in leading educational policies and planning places more or less explicit and in some cases, trying to overcome shortcomings that education system. This research aims to understand the role of the state in the (re) configuration of education policies, when the tendency for the change in a State-Educator for a State-regulator, is the assumption that neo-liberal speech that with 'less' State but with more accountability we achieve better results. This process leads to a redefinition of the role and State functions in socio-economic constraints, resulting in power struggles with regard to its political control, with the redistribution of powers between the state and community, between the central and local. It is in this changing context that the present investigation, which lies in the examination of education policy addresses the question how and by what means the local, materialized their skills in education. The strategy focuses on a qualitative methodology, with the use of an exploratory study in three municipalities of Lisbon and Tagus Valley. The current education policies come from the new vision in the management of public affairs - res publica - as a result of the new design for the State itself, and the process of preparation of educational policy decisions. In this perspective, decentralization becomes an instrument of local government that favours the increase of democratic authority of the actors. However, the governance assumes a dynamic negotiation, even in regulation between the State, region, local authorities, school and market, made to suit the construction of general interest, which is not anymore fully defined by the State, but constructed together with the various political, economic, educational and social forces. The study indicates that decentralization is undermined by the central government when it ‗re-centralize‘ decisions and the local conditions, with the closure of most primary schools and with vertical groupings of schools. In turn, some educational policies such as 'Full Time School' forced the municipalities to increase their technical and human resources, to build new educational infrastructure. The educative policies began to be designed according to a hybrid matrix, which aims the decentralization of education - from pre-school and all the primary school - on one hand, and promote the situation of 'quasi-market' with privatization of sectors and the financing of several institutions - that provide services in education -, on the other hand. RÉSUMÉ: Avec le cadre actuel de décentralisation des fonctions et pouvoirs du gouvernement central aux autorités locales, dans l'éducation, les municipalités investissent de plus en plus dans le travail éducatif dans la conduite des politiques éducatives en mener et en faisant la planification des lieux plus ou moins explicites et, dans certains cas, essayer de remédier aux lacunes que présente l'éducation. Donc, nous voulons avec cette recherche comprendre le rôle de l'Etat dans la (re) configuration des politiques d'éducation, alors que la tendance au changement d‘un État-éducateur pour un État-régulateur, a comme l'hypothèse le discours néo-libéral de que avec «moins» État, mais plus d‘accountability on a des meilleurs résultats. Ce processus conduit à une redéfinition du rôle et des fonctions de l'Etat au plan social et économique, en donnant lieu à des luttes de pouvoir à l'égard de son contrôle politique, avec la redistribution des compétences entre l'État et la collectivité, entre les niveaux central et local. C‘est dans ce contexte changeant que la présente enquête, qui réside dans l‘examen de la politique de l‘éducation aborde la question de savoir comment et par quels moyens le local matérialisé leurs compétences dans l‘éducation. La stratégie est axée sur une méthodologie qualitative, avec l'utilisation d'une étude exploratoire dans trois municipalités de Lisbonne et Vallée du Tage. Les politiques actuelles d'éducation sont tirées de la nouvelle vision dans la gestion des affaires publiques - res publica – à la suite de la nouvelle conception de l'État lui-même, et le processus de préparation des décisions politique-éducatives. Dans cette perspective, la décentralisation devient un instrument de gouvernement local qui favorise l'augmentation de l'autorité démocratique des acteurs. Toutefois, la gouvernance assume une dynamique de négociation, même en matière de réglementation entre l'État, la région, le local, l'école et le marché, faite pour répondre à la construction d'intérêt général, qui n'est pas plus entièrement défini par l'Etat, mais construit en ensemble avec les divers forces politiques, économiques, éducatives et sociales. L‘étude indique que la décentralisation est minée par le gouvernement central quand il ‗re-centralise‘ les décisions et les conditions locales, avec la fermeture de la plupart des écoles du premier cycle et avec des groupements verticaux d‘écoles. À leur tour, certaines politiques éducatives telles que ‗l'école à temps plein‘ forcé les municipalités à accroître leurs ressources techniques et humaines, de construire de nouvelles infrastructures éducatives. Les politiques éducatives ont commencé à être conçues selon une matrice hybride, qui vise à la municipalisation de l'éducation - de l'école maternelle et de toute l'école basique - d'une part ; et de promouvoir la situation de «quasi-marché» avec la privatisation de secteurs et le financement de plusieurs institutions - qui offrent des services dans l'éducation -, d‘autre part.