Civil society versus nationalizing state?:Advocacy of minority rights in the post-socialist Baltic states

Strong civil society provides individuals with arenas to bring their interests to the attention of policymakers. In so doing, civil society organizations (CSOs) can support state policies, but can also criticize policies. This paper argues that most minority rights advocacy CSOs in the Baltic states have little say in the crafting of policy and are compartmentalized into the existing agendas, with only a few groups able to evaluate policies independently. It concludes that the Baltic civil society is weak because the CSOs working on minority issues ask policymakers either too much, or too little. The findings suggest that policymakers quell criticism of their work from the side of the CSOs by ignoring their activities. Alternatively, by funding the CSO that shores up the state agenda, policymakers delegate their responsibilities to civic actors, keep critical voices from public debates and claim that their policies have the full support of a vibrant civil society. This paper investigates the options available for civil society actors to relate to policymakers in a nationalizing state by drawing on the data collected in 77 semi-structured interviews with the CSOs working with Russian and Polish minorities in the Baltic states between 2006 and 2009. © 2011 Association for the Study of Nationalities.

Role of Intersectoral Collaboration in Mental Health Policy Formulation And Service Delivery in Saint Lucia

RESUMO: Santa Lúcia pequena ilha de país em desenvolvimento com recursos limitados e é confrontada com uma série de desafios socioeconômicos que exigem soluções criativas e inovadoras. É comprovado que a combinação de recursos entre setores para estabelecer os determinantes social, econômico e ambiental da saúde são uma estratégia útil para melhorar a saúde da população, principalmente a sua saúde mental. Este estudo, o primeiro do seu tipo em Santa Lúcia, procurou examinar até que ponto a disponibilidade de uma política nacional de saúde mental levou a ação intersetorial para o fornecimento de serviços e promoção da saúde mental. Além disso, o estudo examinou o nível de colaboração intersetorial que existe entre as agências que prestam cuidados diretos e serviços de suporte para pessoas com doenças mentais e problemas sérios de saúde mental. O estudo também teve como objetivo identificar os fatores que promovem ou dificultam a colaboração intersectorial e gerar recomendações que possam ser aplicadas para países muito pequenos e com perfis socioeconômicos semelhantes. Os dados gerados a partir de três (3) fontes foram sintetizados para formar uma visão ampla das questões. Uma avaliação da política de saúde mental de 2007, uma avaliação que identifica até que ponto a ação intersetorial atualmente deixa a prestação de serviços de saúde mental e a administração de entrevistas semiestruturadas nas mãos de gestores do programa de diferentes agências em todos os setores. O estudo concluiu que, apesar da disponibilidade de uma política de saúde mental, que articula clara e explicitamente a colaboração intersetorial como área prioritária para ação, quase não existe no sistema de fornecimento atual do serviço. Os provedores de serviços em todos os setores reconhecem que há os benefícios da colaboração intersectorial e com entraves significativos em relação à colaboração intersetorial, que por sua vez, impede uma abordagem nacional para o planejamento e o fornecimento do serviço. A colaboração intersetorial não será possível se os próprios setores dependerem da abordagem direta do setor da saúde ou se a atmosfera geral for ofuscada pela estigmatização das doenças mentais.------------------------------------------------------------------------ABSTRACT: Saint Lucia a small island developing country with limited resources, is faced with a number of socio-economic challenges which require creative and innovative solutions to address. Combining resources across sectors to address the social, economic and environmental determinants of health has proven to be a useful strategy for improving population health in particular mental health. This study, the first of its kind for Saint Lucia sought to examine the extent to which the availability of a national mental health policy led to intersectoral action for mental health promotion and service delivery. In addition the study examined the level of intersectoral collaboration which actually exist between agencies which provide direct care and support services to people with mental illnesses and significant mental health problems. The study also aimed to identify the factors which promote or hinder intersectoral collaboration and generate recommendations which can be applied to extremely small countries with similar socio-economic profiles. Data generated from three (3) sources was synthesized to form a broad picture of the issues. An evaluation of the mental health policy of 2007, an assessment of the extent to which intersectoral action currently exist in mental health service delivery and the administration of semi-structured interviews with program managers from different agencies across sectors to identify implementation issues. The study concluded that despite the availability of a mental health policy which clearly and explicitly articulates intersectoral collaboration as a priority area for action, very little exists in the current service delivery system. Services providers across sectors acknowledge the benefits of intersectoral collaboration and that there are significant barriers to intersectoral collaboration, which in turn hinders a national approach to service planning and delivery. Intersectoral collaboration is not possible if sectors themselves are dependent on a top-down health sector driven and dominated approach, or if the general atmosphere is clouded by stigmatization of mental health illnesses.

Modeling the Transport Sector: The Role of Existing Fuel Taxes in Climate Policy

Existing fuel taxes play a major role in determining the welfare effects of exempting the transportation sector from measures to control greenhouse gases. To study this phenomenon we modify the MIT Emissions Prediction and Policy Analysis (EPPA) model to disaggregate the household transportation sector. This improvement requires an extension of the GTAP data set that underlies the model. The revised and extended facility is then used to compare economic costs of cap-and-trade systems differentiated by sector, focusing on two regions: the USA where the fuel taxes are low, and Europe where the fuel taxes are high. We find that the interplay between carbon policies and pre-existing taxes leads to different results in these regions: in the USA exemption of transport from such a system would increase the welfare cost of achieving a national emissions target, while in Europe such exemptions will correct pre-existing distortions and reduce the cost.

Doing more harm than good? Community based natural resource management and the neglect of local institutions in policy development

Approaches to natural resource management emphasise the importance of involving local people and institutions in order to build capacity, limit costs, and achieve environmental sustainability. Governments worldwide, often encouraged by international donors, have formulated devolution policies and legal instruments that provide an enabling environment for devolved natural resource management. However, implementation of these policies reveals serious challenges. This article explores the effects of limited involvement of local people and institutions in policy development and implementation. An in-depth study of the Forest Policy of Malawi and Village Forest Areas in the Lilongwe district provides an example of externally driven policy development which seeks to promote local management of natural resources. The article argues that policy which has weak ownership by national government and does not adequately consider the complexity of local institutions, together with the effects of previous initiatives on them, can create a cumulative legacy through which destructive resource use practices and social conflict may be reinforced. In short, poorly developed and implemented community based natural resource management policies can do considerably more harm than good. Approaches are needed that enable the policy development process to embed an in-depth understanding of local institutions whilst incorporating flexibility to account for their location-specific nature. This demands further research on policy design to enable rigorous identification of positive and negative institutions and ex-ante exploration of the likely effects of different policy interventions.

Southeast Asian perceptions of Australia's foreign policy

This article argues that while the US alliance remains at the forefront of Australian security policy, the deepening of ties between the United States and Australia has the potential to complicate Australia's relations with its Southeast asian neighbours. Moreover, the manner in which the Howard government has attempted to manage this shift in policy has only exacerbated the problem. Australian pronouncements of support for the US policy of pre-emption, the perceived preference of the Australian Prime Minister to take on the role of ‘Deputy Sheriff’, and the unwieldy approach taken by the Australian government in policy announcements pertaining to maritime and security policy have caused unnecessary tension and mistrust between Australia and some Southeast asian states.

Developing a collections management policy for the Ethnology Division of the National Museum, Monuments and Art Gallery of Botswana

The culture and political environments of Botswana influence the collections management policy of its' National Museum, Monuments and Art Gallery. The emphasis of this research is to make the museum relevent to the needs of the local people by developing more suitable ideas. The developed policy is intended to reflect these unique needs.

Australia and appeasement : imperial foreign policy and the origins of World War II

This book examines Australia's role in the British Empire's policy of Appeasment in the years from the time Hitler came to power 1933 to the outbreak of the European War in September 1939. Focusing on the five leading figures in the Australian governments of the 1930s - Joe Lyons, Stanley, Bruce, Robert Menzies, Billy Hughes and Ricahrd Casey - this book examines their responses to the rise of Hitler and the gowing threat of fascism. It provide new insights into the history of Australian foreign policy, British imperial history and the history of the Origins of the Second World War. 

The dynamic interplay of news media and bilingual education policy in Australia's Northern Territory 1988-2008

his study investigates the dynamic interplay between news media and the Northern Territory’s policy of bilingual education for indigenous children living in some remote communities. It provides evidence to support the argument that the media-related practices of a range of policy actors resulted in policy processes being shaped to a significant degree by ‘media logic’. The research is based on depth interviews and uses the spoken words of participants to gain access to the local experiences and perspectives of those invested in developing, influencing and communicating the bilingual education policy. Through the analysis of more than 20 interviews with journalists, public servants, academics, and politicians as well as indigenous and non-indigenous bilingual education advocates, I have identified a range of media-related practices that have enabled policy actors to penetrate the policy debate, define problems for policymaking and public discussion through the news media, and thereby exert particular forms of influence in the policy process. The study also provides a ‘southern theory’ analysis of the Yolngu public sphere and a Bourdesian understanding of the journalism sub-field of indigenous reporting in the Northern Territory. It shows that issues of physical and cultural remoteness and the need for journalists to develop cultural competence are the hallmarks of this reporting specialization. It also identifies marked differences in journalists’ relationships with government, academic and indigenous sources and how these differences play out in the way participants understand the production and reception of media texts. This research makes an innovative contribution to Australian Journalism Studies by demonstrating how indigenous epistemologies and knowledges offer fresh perspectives and insights about news media and indigeneity that can be brought into balance with northern theories to build what Connell (2007) has called ‘southern theory’. This dovetails with another key outcome, which is the development of an academic form of journalism that serves indigenous peoples’ self-determinist aims for scholarly research, based in indigenous perspectives and research methodologies.

A randomised controlled trial of an intervention to increase the implementation of a healthy canteen policy in Australian primary schools: study protocol

Background: The implementation of healthy school canteen policies has been recommended as a strategy to help prevent unhealthy eating and excessive weight gain. Internationally, research suggests that schools often fail to implement practices consistent with healthy school canteen policies. Without a population wide implementation, the potential benefits of these policies will not be realised. The aim of this trial is to assess the effectiveness of an implementation intervention in increasing school canteen practices consistent with a healthy canteen policy of the New South Wales (NSW), Australia, government known as the 'Fresh Tastes @ School NSW Healthy School Canteen Strategy'.Methods/design: The parallel randomised trial will be conducted in 70 primary schools located in the Hunter region of New South Wales, Australia. Schools will be eligible to participate if they are not currently meeting key components of the healthy canteen policy. Schools will be randomly allocated after baseline data collection in a 1:1 ratio to either an intervention or control group using a computerised random number function in Microsoft Excel. Thirty-five schools will be selected to receive a multi-component intervention including implementation support from research staff, staff training, resources, recognition and incentives, consensus and leadership strategies, follow-up support and implementation feedback. The 35 schools allocated to the control group will not receive any intervention support as part of the research trial. The primary outcome measures will be i) the proportion of schools with a canteen menu that does not contain foods or beverages restricted from regular sale ('red' and 'banned' items) and ii) the proportion of schools where healthy canteen items ('green' items) represent the majority (>50%) of products listed on the menu. Outcome data will be collected via a comprehensive menu audit, conducted by dietitians blind to group allocation. Intervention effectiveness will be assessed using logistic regression models adjusting for baseline values.Discussion: The proposed trial will represent a novel contribution to the literature, being the first randomised trial internationally to examine the effectiveness of an intervention to facilitate implementation of a healthy canteen policy.

The Role of Tax Policy in the Context of the Global Crisis: consequences and prospects

Includes bibliography

Trade policy in CARICOM: overview of the main trade policy measures

Includes bibliography

Cooperative off-policy prediction of markov decision processes in adaptive networks

We apply diffusion strategies to propose a cooperative reinforcement learning algorithm, in which agents in a network communicate with their neighbors to improve predictions about their environment. The algorithm is suitable to learn off-policy even in large state spaces. We provide a mean-square-error performance analysis under constant step-sizes. The gain of cooperation in the form of more stability and less bias and variance in the prediction error, is illustrated in the context of a classical model. We show that the improvement in performance is especially significant when the behavior policy of the agents is different from the target policy under evaluation.

The Judicial Dimension of the European Neighbourhood Policy. EU Diplomacy Paper 08/2013, November 2013

In this paper, the expression “neighbourhood policy” of the European Union (EU) is understood in a broad way which includes the members of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) contracting parties to the European Economic Area (EEA), the EFTA State Switzerland, candidate states, the countries of the European Neighbour-hood Policy (ENP), and Russia. The European Court of Justice (ECJ) is the centre of gravity in the judicial dimension of this policy. The innermost circle of integration after the EU itself comprises the EFTA States who are party to the European Economic Area. With the EFTA Court, they have their own common court. The existence of two courts – the ECJ and the EFTA Court – raises the question of homogeneity of the case law. The EEA homogeneity rules resemble the ones of the Lugano Convention. The EFTA Court is basically obliged to follow or take into account relevant ECJ case law. But even if the ECJ has gone first, there may be constellations where the EFTA Court comes to the conclusion that it must go its own way. Such constellations may be given if there is new scientific evidence, if the ECJ has left certain questions open, where there is relevant case law of the European Court of Human Rights or where, in light of the specific circumstances of the case, there is room for “creative homogeneity”. However, in the majority of its cases the EFTA Court is faced with novel legal questions. In such cases, the ECJ, its Advocates General and the Court of First Instance make reference to the EFTA Court’s case law. The question may be posed whether the EEA could serve as a model for other regional associations. For the ENP states, candidate States and Russia this is hard to imagine. Their courts will to varying degrees look to the ECJ when giving interpretation to the relevant agreements. The Swiss Government is – at least for the time being – unwilling to make a second attempt to join the EEA. The European Commission has therefore proposed to the Swiss to dock their sectoral agreements with the EU to the institutions of the EFTA pillar, the EFTA Surveillance Authority (ESA) and the EFTA Court. Switzerland would then negotiate the right to nominate a member of the ESA College and of the EFTA Court. The Swiss Government has, however, opted for another model. Swiss courts would continue to look to the ECJ, as they did in the past, and conflicts should also in the future be resolved by diplomatic means. But the ECJ would play a decisive role in dispute settlement. It would, upon unilateral request of one side, give an “authoritative” interpretation of EU law as incorporated into the relevant bilateral agreement. In a “Non-Paper” which was drafted by the chief negotiators, the interpretations of the ECJ are even characterised as binding. The decision-making power would, however, remain with the Joint Committees where Switzerland could say no. The Swiss Government assumes that after a negative decision by the ECJ it would be able to negotiate a compromise solution with the Commission without the ECJ being able to express itself on the outcome. The Government has therefore not tried to emphasise that the ECJ would not be a foreign court. Whether the ECJ would accept its intended role, is an open question. And if it would, the Swiss Government would have to explain to its voters that Switzerland retains the freedom to disregard such a binding decision and that for this reason the ECJ is not only no foreign court, but no adjudicating court at all.

Any changes? The future agenda of Sweden's security policy. OSW Commentary No. 126, 28.01.2014

Sweden’s annual security and defence conference, which this year focused on the future of the country’s security policy, was held in Sälen on 12-14 January. It was attended by almost all the leaders of Sweden’s ruling and opposition parties. The discussions have revealed whether and how the mindset of the Swedish elite has changed following the heated debates on defence issues in 2013. The opposition parties (Social Democrats, the Green Party, and the Left Party), which are likely to form a coalition government after the election to the Swedish parliament in September 2014, were given the opportunity to present their own priorities. The discussions have brought to the surface conflicting perceptions within the political elite concerning the threats and challenges to Swedish security, and divergent positions on the future direction of the country’s security and defence policy. It is highly likely that, due to a coalition compromise, the current course of Sweden’s security policy (namely, a policy of non-alignment along with close co-operation with NATO) will be maintained following the parliamentary election, albeit with new “leftist” influences (a greater involvement in the United Nations). Big changes that could lead to a significant strengthening of Sweden’s defence capabilities, or a decision on NATO membership, are not likely. Paradoxically, polls suggest that in the long run a more radical change in Stockholm’s security policy may be shaped by a gradual, bottom-up evolution of public opinion on the issue.

Expropriation of minority shareholders and payout policy

This paper studies the payout policy of Italian firms controlled by large majority shareholders (controlled firms). The paper reports that a firm’s share of dividends in total payout (dividends plus repurchases) is negatively related to the size of the cash flow stake of the firm’s controlling shareholder and positively associated with the wedge between the controlling shareholder’s control rights and cash flow rights. These findings are consistent with the substitute model of payout. One of the implications of this model is that controlled firms with weak corporate governance set-ups, in which controlling shareholders have strong incentives to expropriate minority shareholders, tend to prefer dividends over repurchases when disgorging cash.