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Prevention programs in adolescence are particularly effective if they target homogeneous risk groups of adolescents who share a combination of particular needs and problems. The present work aims to identify and classify risky single-occasion drinking (RSOD) adolescents according to their motivation to engage in drinking. An easy-to-use coding procedure was developed. It was validated by means of cluster analyses and structural equation modeling based on two randomly selected subsamples of a nationally representative sample of 2,449 12- to 18-year-old RSOD students in Switzerland. Results revealed that the coding procedure classified RSOD adolescents as either enhancement drinkers or coping drinkers. The high concordance (Sample A: kappa - .88, Sample B: kappa - .90) with the results of the cluster analyses demonstrated the convergent validity of the coding classification. The fact that enhancement drinkers in both subsamples were found to go out more frequently in the evenings and to have more satisfactory social relationships, as well as a higher proportion of drinking peers and a lower likelihood to drink at home than coping drinkers demonstrates the concurrent validity of the classification. To conclude, the coding procedure appears to be a valid, reliable, and easy-to-use tool that can help better adapt prevention activities to adolescent risky drinking motives.

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The aim of this paper is to analyse the impact of university knowledge and technology transfer activities on academic research output. Specifically, we study whether researchers with collaborative links with the private sector publish less than their peers without such links, once controlling for other sources of heterogeneity. We report findings from a longitudinal dataset on researchers from two engineering departments in the UK between 1985 until 2006. Our results indicate that researchers with industrial links publish significantly more than their peers. Academic productivity, though, is higher for low levels of industry involvement as compared to high levels.

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Aujourd'hui, la construction sociale de la ménopause intéresse de nombreux chercheurs en sciences sociales. Cependant, la façon dont les femmes vivent ou se représentent cet événement reste peu documentée. L'objectif de cette thèse est donc d'approfondir la compréhension de l'expérience de la ménopause en accordant une place primordiale aux discours et aux pratiques des femmes elles-mêmes. En s'appuyant sur une recherche ethnographique en Suisse romande et au Centre-Cameroun, cette étude parcourt différentes dimensions de l'expérience de la ménopause (représentations, vécus, pratiques de gestion) qui, corrélées les unes aux autres, forment un tout. Au-delà des divergences que l'on peut observer au niveau culturel, de la situation économique et sociale des femmes, des systèmes de santé et du statut occupé par la ménopause dans les deux pays, les résultats de ce travail montrent que les expériences de la ménopause chez les Suissesses et les Camerounaises interviewées ne peuvent pas simplement être classifiées de manière binaire ou dichotomique. Dans chacun des contextes, ces expériences sont plurielles et dépendent de plusieurs facteurs. D'une part, elles découlent d'une observation empirique de la part de ces femmes elles-mêmes et de leurs interactions avec différents acteurs dont les médias (particulièrement en Suisse), les pairs, les proches et les professionnels de la santé. D'autre part, elles sont influencées par de nombreuses variables parmi lesquelles le contexte économique, socioculturel, familial et conjugal, le statut professionnel, la prévalence des troubles ressentis et le statut ménopausique de ces femmes. Mais, ces facteurs ne sont pas hiérarchisés puisqu'ils agissent différemment pour chacune d'entre elles. Dès lors, s'il apparaît que les expériences ménopausiques n'échappent point aux déterminations sociales, il n'en demeure pas moins qu'elles relèvent aussi des capacités réflexives des femmes, les conduites sociales n'étant pas réductibles à des applications des codes intériorisés. Au fil du travail, la médicalisation de la ménopause, bien qu'existant à des degrés variables entre la Suisse et le Cameroun, a émergé comme une problématique transversale. Interrogeant les logiques qui la sous-tendent, cette étude se propose d'analyser le rôle que jouent les femmes elles-mêmes dans ce processus. - Today, the social construction of the menopause is of great interest for many researchers in social sciences. Neverthless, the way of living or of representing this event is still little documented. The aim of this thesis is to study thoroughly the understanding of menopausal experience through the discourses and practices of women themselves. Based on an ethnograph ic research, in French-speaking Switzerland and in Centre-Cameroon, this study looks at different dimensions of menopausal experience (representations, real-life experiences, pratices) that, connected to each other, form a whole. Inspite of the cultural, economic, social, health systems and menopausal status differences between these two countries, the results of this thesis show that menopausal experiences among the Swiss and the Cameroonians interviewee can not simply be classified in two dichotomous groups. In each context, those experiences are plural and depend on several factors. On the one hand, they arise from women's own empirical observations and from their interactions with several actors like the media (especially in Switzerland), the peers, the people closest to them and health professionals. On the other hand, they are influenced by many elements such as the economical, sociocultural, family and marital context, the professional status, the prevalence of felt disorders and the menopausal status of those women. But, these factors are not hierarchical beacause they operate differently for each person. Accordingly, if menopausal experiences don't escape from social determinism, nonetheless they also depend on the reflexive capacities of women beacause social conducts can not be reduced to the application of interiorised codes. Through this work, the médicalisation of the menopause, even though varying between Switzerland and Cameroon, comes to light as a cross-cutting problematic. Questioning its underlying logic, this study proposes to analyse the role that women themselves play in this process.

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In this paper, we assess the determinants of long-run persistence of localculture, and examine the success of policy interventions designed to change attitudes.We analyze anti-Semitic attitudes drawing on individual-level survey results fromGermany s social value survey in 1996 and 2006. On average, we find that historicalvoting patterns for anti-Semitic parties between 1890 and 1933 are powerfulpredictors of anti-Jewish attitudes today. There is evidence that transmission takesplace both vertically (parent to child) and horizontally (among peers). Policy modifiedGerman views on Jews in important ways: The cohort that grew up under the Naziregime shows significantly higher levels of anti-Semitism. After 1945, the victoriousAllies implemented denazification programs in their zones of occupation. We usedifferences in these policies between the occupying powers as a source of identifyingvariation. The US and French zones today still show high anti-Semitism, reflecting anambitious botched attempt at denazification. In contrast, the British and Soviet zones,register much lower levels of Jew-hatred.

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Purpose Data indicate that 19% of male adolescents living in Switzerland carried a weapon in the last 12 months. The main objective of this research is to compare the characteristics of male adolescents carrying a weapon and having used it in a fight from those who have carried but not used it in the previous 12 months. Methods Data were drawn from the 2002 Swiss Multicenter Adolescent Survey on Health (SMASH02) data base, a survey including 7,548[3,710 males] in-school adolescents aged 16-20 years in Switzerland. Only males declaring having carried a weapon (N = 711; 19.2% of the sample) were included in the analysis. Three groups were created: those not having used a weapon (WO; N = 538 subjects), those having used a weapon in a fight once or twice (W12; N = 127), and those having used a weapon in a fight 3 or more times (W3+; N = 46). Multinomial logistic regression was performed to compare the 3 groups on individual, family, school, and social factors using WO as the reference category. Analyses were performed with STATA9. Results are presented as relative risk ratios (RRR). Results W12 males were significantly more likely to perceive their puberty as advanced compared to their peers (RRR: 2.1), to be foreign born (RRR: 2.6), to live in an urban environment (RRR: 1.9), to be in vocational school (RRR: 4.7), to have a poor school connectedness (RRR: 1.8), to skip classes (RRR: 2.1) and to quarrel while intoxicated (RRR: 5.3). W3+ males were significantly more likely to be foreign born (RRR: 3.6) and to live in an urban environment (RRR: 2.4), to be current users of illegal drugs other than cannabis (RRR: 3.8) and to quarrel while intoxicated (RRR: 4.1). No differences were found between groups for tobacco, alcohol, or cannabis use. Conclusions Within a national sample of Swiss youth aged 16-20 years, almost one fifth of male adolescents have carried a weapon in the previous 12 months. Nevertheless, most of them (75.7%) have never used a weapon in a fight. Whether they carry a weapon for defense purposes or as a manly behavior remains to be elucidated. However, urban foreign-born adolescents who quarrel while intoxicated are the most at risk of using a weapon in a fight, and therefore culturally-sensitive prevention approaches need to be developed to decrease violence in this specific population of youth. Having school problems or using illegal drugs other than cannabis seem to differentiate between those who use it in a fight occasionally (once or twice) and those who do it more often.

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A afluência de imigrantes a Portugal, nas últimas três décadas transformou radicalmente todo o tecido social português, caracterizando-se hoje pela sua heterogeneidade. Até ao início da década de 90 do século XX, os fluxos migratórios provinham essencialmente dos Países de Língua Oficial Portuguesa, com maior incidência de Cabo Verde, Brasil e Angola. É nessa década que se registam movimentos bastante significativos de imigrantes provenientes da Europa Central e Oriental, principalmente da Ucrânia, Rússia, Roménia e Moldávia, assim como da Ásia, destacando-se os naturais da China, Índia, Paquistão e das antigas repúblicas soviéticas. De acordo com a análise apresentada pelo Instituto Nacional de Estatística em Dezembro de 2006, residiam de forma legal em Portugal 329 898 cidadãos de nacionalidade estrangeira, sendo as maiores comunidades de Cabo Verde (57 349), Brasil (41 728) e Angola (28 854). A sociedade portuguesa do século XXI, distancia-se cada vez mais do conceito de monolinguismo, tal como se evidencia no Projecto Gulbenkian “Diversidade Linguística na Escola Portuguesa”, que, segundo o estudo feito, onze por cento dos alunos residentes na área da Grande Lisboa nasceram fora de Portugal e têm como línguas maternas cinquenta e oito idiomas. É urgente uma intervenção diferente no que corresponde a esta nova realidade linguística em Portugal e sobretudo no que concerne à integração do “outro”, reconhecendo e respeitando as várias línguas maternas e culturas, como também a sua preservação a fim de possibilitar o desenvolvimento íntegro e harmonioso da identidade. A heterogeneidade da actual sociedade portuguesa impõe um olhar atento para com esta nova realidade no país, sobretudo em muitas das escolas onde a par do uso da língua portuguesa outras línguas são também usadas como forma de comunicação entre os mesmos pares, situação esta perfeitamente desajustada da realidade escolar madeirense Estudo de caso: O uso da Língua Portuguesa por jovens oriundos de outros países nos domínios privado, público e educativo. 10 de inícios da década de 90 do século XX, à excepção dos alunos provenientes da Venezuela, os denominados luso-descendentes. A escola mudara, tudo se alterara, havia que tentar perceber o que estava a ocorrer, um novo Mundo “invadira” as turmas, prontas a aprender, a saber, a descobrir. Era preciso preencher o silêncio expectante. Aprender uma nova língua, a portuguesa, decorrente da obrigatoriedade implícita de tratar-se da língua oficial, obrigava a repensar o ensino, a continuamente desvendar novos caminhos possibilitadores de encontro entre a língua materna e a segunda, de reencontro com a identidade linguística e cultural que não se quer perdidas, só tornado possível na diferença. A par de uma escola que se apresentava de forma diferente, cuja intervenção teria de ser oposta à de então, uma vez que a aprendizagem do português era feita como língua segunda (L2), muitas foram e são as inquietações, um turbilhão de interrogações decorriam deste contacto constante de uma língua que se diz minha, fonte de partilha com outros jovens. O uso da língua portuguesa confinar-se-á unicamente à escola com os professores e colegas ou despoletará curiosidades, vontades, interesses, motivados por objectivos confinados ao percurso e à história humana? Muitas são as interrogações que ocorrem, muitos são também os momentos de sabedoria mútua de línguas e países a desvendar num contínuo ininterrupto e é essa constante procura que determina a busca de respostas. Entre muitas interrogações uma afigurava-se de forma latente, quiçá fonte de resposta para outras interrogações inerentes à língua portuguesa como língua segunda. A sua utilização por parte dos alunos de outras nacionalidades nos domínios privado, público e educativo engloba domínios diversos capazes de informar acerca do uso dessa mesma língua. Importa no entanto reforçar que estes alunos constituem um grupo heterogéneo sob diversos pontos de vista: etário, linguístico e cultural. Do ponto de vista linguístico a população que tem o português como língua segunda abrange alunos falantes de diferentes línguas maternas, umas mais próximas, outras mais afastadas do português, propiciando diferentes graus de transferência de conhecimentos linguísticos e de experiências comunicativas, como também em diferentes estádios de aquisição e que fora da escola o usam em maior ou menor número de contextos e com um grau de frequência desigual. Estudo de caso: O uso da Língua Portuguesa por jovens oriundos de outros países nos domínios privado, público e educativo. 11 Dispõem também de diferentes capacidades individuais para discriminar, segmentar e produzir sequências linguísticas. Já do ponto de vista cultural apresentam diferentes hábitos de aprendizagem, bem como diferentes representações e expectativas face à escola. Todos estes factores determinarão ritmos de progressão distintos no que respeita à aprendizagem do português como língua segunda. As oportunidades de aprendizagem e de uso que cada indivíduo tem ao longo da vida, determinantes no processo de aquisição, desenvolvimento e aprendizagem de uma língua, variam bastante de indivíduo para indivíduo. Os alunos podem viver num mesmo contexto no entanto razões variadíssimas determinarão diferentes oportunidades de aprendizagem e de uso. Viver-se num contexto de imersão não é suficiente para que todos tenham o mesmo grau de exposição a material linguístico rico e variado da L2. Essas oportunidades também se relacionam com a distância linguística entre língua primeira (L1) e a língua segunda, quanto mais afastadas são as duas línguas mais os falantes da L2 se refugiam na sua língua materna, assim como também se associam aos hábitos culturais da comunidade e da família.

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A afluência de imigrantes a Portugal, nas últimas três décadas transformou radicalmente todo o tecido social português, caracterizando-se hoje pela sua heterogeneidade. Até ao início da década de 90 do século XX, os fluxos migratórios provinham essencialmente dos Países de Língua Oficial Portuguesa, com maior incidência de Cabo Verde, Brasil e Angola. É nessa década que se registam movimentos bastante significativos de imigrantes provenientes da Europa Central e Oriental, principalmente da Ucrânia, Rússia, Roménia e Moldávia, assim como da Ásia, destacando-se os naturais da China, Índia, Paquistão e das antigas repúblicas soviéticas. De acordo com a análise apresentada pelo Instituto Nacional de Estatística em Dezembro de 2006, residiam de forma legal em Portugal 329 898 cidadãos de nacionalidade estrangeira, sendo as maiores comunidades de Cabo Verde (57 349), Brasil (41 728) e Angola (28 854). A sociedade portuguesa do século XXI, distancia-se cada vez mais do conceito de monolinguismo, tal como se evidencia no Projecto Gulbenkian “Diversidade Linguística na Escola Portuguesa”, que, segundo o estudo feito, onze por cento dos alunos residentes na área da Grande Lisboa nasceram fora de Portugal e têm como línguas maternas cinquenta e oito idiomas. É urgente uma intervenção diferente no que corresponde a esta nova realidade linguística em Portugal e sobretudo no que concerne à integração do “outro”, reconhecendo e respeitando as várias línguas maternas e culturas, como também a sua preservação a fim de possibilitar o desenvolvimento íntegro e harmonioso da identidade. A heterogeneidade da actual sociedade portuguesa impõe um olhar atento para com esta nova realidade no país, sobretudo em muitas das escolas onde a par do uso da língua portuguesa outras línguas são também usadas como forma de comunicação entre os mesmos pares, situação esta perfeitamente desajustada da realidade escolar madeirense Estudo de caso: O uso da Língua Portuguesa por jovens oriundos de outros países nos domínios privado, público e educativo. 10 de inícios da década de 90 do século XX, à excepção dos alunos provenientes da Venezuela, os denominados luso-descendentes. A escola mudara, tudo se alterara, havia que tentar perceber o que estava a ocorrer, um novo Mundo “invadira” as turmas, prontas a aprender, a saber, a descobrir. Era preciso preencher o silêncio expectante. Aprender uma nova língua, a portuguesa, decorrente da obrigatoriedade implícita de tratar-se da língua oficial, obrigava a repensar o ensino, a continuamente desvendar novos caminhos possibilitadores de encontro entre a língua materna e a segunda, de reencontro com a identidade linguística e cultural que não se quer perdidas, só tornado possível na diferença. A par de uma escola que se apresentava de forma diferente, cuja intervenção teria de ser oposta à de então, uma vez que a aprendizagem do português era feita como língua segunda (L2), muitas foram e são as inquietações, um turbilhão de interrogações decorriam deste contacto constante de uma língua que se diz minha, fonte de partilha com outros jovens. O uso da língua portuguesa confinar-se-á unicamente à escola com os professores e colegas ou despoletará curiosidades, vontades, interesses, motivados por objectivos confinados ao percurso e à história humana? Muitas são as interrogações que ocorrem, muitos são também os momentos de sabedoria mútua de línguas e países a desvendar num contínuo ininterrupto e é essa constante procura que determina a busca de respostas. Entre muitas interrogações uma afigurava-se de forma latente, quiçá fonte de resposta para outras interrogações inerentes à língua portuguesa como língua segunda. A sua utilização por parte dos alunos de outras nacionalidades nos domínios privado, público e educativo engloba domínios diversos capazes de informar acerca do uso dessa mesma língua. Importa no entanto reforçar que estes alunos constituem um grupo heterogéneo sob diversos pontos de vista: etário, linguístico e cultural. Do ponto de vista linguístico a população que tem o português como língua segunda abrange alunos falantes de diferentes línguas maternas, umas mais próximas, outras mais afastadas do português, propiciando diferentes graus de transferência de conhecimentos linguísticos e de experiências comunicativas, como também em diferentes estádios de aquisição e que fora da escola o usam em maior ou menor número de contextos e com um grau de frequência desigual. Estudo de caso: O uso da Língua Portuguesa por jovens oriundos de outros países nos domínios privado, público e educativo. 11 Dispõem também de diferentes capacidades individuais para discriminar, segmentar e produzir sequências linguísticas. Já do ponto de vista cultural apresentam diferentes hábitos de aprendizagem, bem como diferentes representações e expectativas face à escola. Todos estes factores determinarão ritmos de progressão distintos no que respeita à aprendizagem do português como língua segunda. As oportunidades de aprendizagem e de uso que cada indivíduo tem ao longo da vida, determinantes no processo de aquisição, desenvolvimento e aprendizagem de uma língua, variam bastante de indivíduo para indivíduo. Os alunos podem viver num mesmo contexto no entanto razões variadíssimas determinarão diferentes oportunidades de aprendizagem e de uso. Viver-se num contexto de imersão não é suficiente para que todos tenham o mesmo grau de exposição a material linguístico rico e variado da L2. Essas oportunidades também se relacionam com a distância linguística entre língua primeira (L1) e a língua segunda, quanto mais afastadas são as duas línguas mais os falantes da L2 se refugiam na sua língua materna, assim como também se associam aos hábitos culturais da comunidade e da família.

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We derive an international asset pricing model that assumes local investorshave preferences of the type "keeping up with the Joneses." In aninternational setting investors compare their current wealth with that oftheir peers who live in the same country. In the process of inferring thecountry's average wealth, investors incorporate information from the domesticmarket portfolio. In equilibrium, this gives rise to a multifactor CAPMwhere, together with the world market price of risk, there existscountry-speciffic prices of risk associated with deviations from thecountry's average wealth level. The model performs signifficantly better, interms of explaining cross-section of returns, than the international CAPM.Moreover, the results are robust, both for conditional and unconditionaltests, to the inclusion of currency risk, macroeconomic sources of risk andthe Fama and French HML factor.

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Purpose: After tobacco and alcohol, cannabis is the most used substance among adolescents in Switzerland. Our aim is to assess whether cannabis use has become an ordinary means of socialization. We hypothesize that cannabis consumption has become a normative, although still illegal, behavior. Methods: As part of a larger qualitative study aimed at assessing new ways [patterns] of cannabis consumption, 16 daily cannabis consumers (11 males) and 2 former heavy consumers (both females), aged 15 to 20 years, participated in interviews and focus groups. Data were transcribed verbatim and analyzed using Atlas.ti qualitative analysis software. Results: Most consumers define the beginning of their consumption as a moment when they made new friends. They commonly use cannabis in group settings, which encourages the belief that all adolescents use cannabis. Thus, cannabis is mainly identified as an everyday social act. Joints are smoked like cigarettes: at all times of the day, during or after school or work with peers, often starting at lunch break, and mostly in public places. Friends offer a joint in a group setting, much like beer in a bar, as a means of making contact. Consumption invariably increases while socializing on vacation: "During vacation, we smoke up to 10-15 joints a day; at the end we're just dead." Additionally, in order to obtain cannabis, consumers have to be part of the right networks; they generally have several dealers to assure their supply, buy and sell themselves, or practice group-buying. As a result, all friends or acquaintances of consumers are themselves cannabis users. For instance, 4 boys, who say they are best friends, always smoke together and that, in order to quit, "All four of us should say to ourselves, 'Okay, now, let's all stop smoking'. That would be the only solution. . .but it would be impossible!" The 2 former consumers state that when they started using cannabis, "I found myself little by little in a vicious circle where I saw only people who also smoked". When they quit, they separated from their group of friends: "Either you make new friends who don't smoke or you smoke." Conclusions: Discussions with consumers demonstrate a normative facet of cannabis consumption as part of teenage socialization. Consequently, cannabis consumers develop a significant dependency since a majority of their friends use cannabis and their consumption involves most of their daily social life. Our study highlights the need for clear messages about the harmful aspects of using this substance while also suggesting that cessation efforts should include helping users separate from their consumption milieu. Sources of Support: Dept. of Public Health of the canton of Vaud.

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To describe the psychological profile of renal transplant adolescents compared to healthy peers and to adolescents with CKD, three groups of adolescents aged 12-18 yr were selected: TX, CX, and adolescents with CKD. Psychiatric symptoms and disorders were evaluated through direct interviews (K-SADS-PL) and self-report questionnaires (YSR and CBCL). Forty TX (14 LRD and 26 DD transplant recipients), 40 CX and 20 CKD were included. Twelve of 40 (30%) TX, three of 20 (15%) CKD, and three of 40 (7.5%) CX had a history of learning difficulties (p = 0.03). Compared to CX, TX had lower total YSR competencies score (p = 0.028) and lower total CBCL competencies score (p = 0.003). Twenty-six of 40 (65%) TX, 12 of 20 (60%) CKD and 15 of 40 (37.5%) CX (p = 0.038) met DSM-IV diagnostic criteria for lifetime psychiatric disorder, with rates of depressive disorder of 35% among TX and CKD compared to 15.2% among CX (p = 0.043). Eight of 40 (20%) TX had a history of simple phobia. Nine of 40 (22.5%) TX met diagnostic criteria for ADHD as compared to one of 20 (5%) CKD and three of 40 (7.5%) CX. In the TX group, we found no significant differences in educational and psychiatric variables between LRD and DD. In conclusion, we found a high prevalence of psychiatric morbidity (depression, phobia, ADHD), educational impairment and social competence problems in the TX group. CKD scored in between TX and CX on most measures.

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Women play a substantial and crucial role in the Iowa economy. Women make up almost half the labor force, participating in the labor force at one of the highest rates in the nation. At the same time, disparities persist as to women’s prospects for success in that same economy. For instance, although women in Iowa are more likely than men to receive post-secondary education, they are also more likely to be in poverty and to earn a lower wage than male peers. The “gender gap,” the difference between male and female wages, is a much-discussed but often misunderstood tool that helps measure women’s success in the workforce. Women’s median wages are lower than men’s median wages largely because of differences in male and female occupations and work history, although gender discrimination in the workforce also plays a role. This report investigates Iowa’s gender gap in ways that clearly show both its causes and effects and suggests policy responses that could ensure women’s full and equal participation in Iowa’s economic future. Understanding the differences between men’s and women’s experiences in the state economy is important for developing policies that can effectively address barriers to economic success for all Iowans.

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OBJECTIVE:: To determine whether there are differences in health perception and health care use among adolescents with psychosomatic symptoms (PS), with chronic conditions (CCs), and with both conditions compared with healthy controls. METHODS:: By using the SMASH02 database, 4 groups were created: youths with PS but no CCs (N = 1010); youths with CCs but no PS (N = 497); youths with both psychosomatic symptoms and chronic conditions (PSCC, N = 213); and youths with neither PS nor CC (control, N = 5709). We used χ tests and analysis of variance to compare each variable between the 4 groups. In a second step, all health and health care use variables were included in a multinomial regression analysis controlling for significant (p < .05) background variables and using the control group as the reference. RESULTS:: Overall, PS and PSCC youths were significantly more likely to rate their health as poor, to be depressed, and to have consulted several times their primary health care provider or a mental health professional than their healthy peers. With the exception of being depressed, PSCC adolescents reported worse health perception and higher health care use than CC and PS. CONCLUSIONS:: Although PS youths do not define PS as a CC, it should be considered as one. Moreover, having PS represents an additional burden to chronically ill adolescents. Health professionals dealing with adolescents must be aware of the deleterious health effects that PS can have on adolescents and have this diagnosis in mind to better target the treatment and improve their management.

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BACKGROUND: Interventions have been developed to reduce overestimations of substance use among others, especially for alcohol and among students. Nevertheless, there is a lack of knowledge on misperceptions of use for substances other than alcohol. We studied the prevalence of misperceptions of use for tobacco, cannabis, and alcohol and whether the perception of tobacco, cannabis, and alcohol use by others is associated with one's own use. METHODS: Participants (n=5216) in a cohort study from a census of 20-year-old men (N=11,819) estimated the prevalence of tobacco and cannabis use among peers of the same age and sex and the percentage of their peers drinking more alcohol than they did. Using the census data, we determined whether participants overestimated, accurately estimated, or underestimated substance use by others. Regression models were used to compare substance use by those who overestimated or underestimated peer substance with those who accurately estimated peer use. Other variables included in the analyses were the presence of close friends with alcohol or other drug problems and family history of substance use. RESULTS: Tobacco use by others was overestimated by 46.1% and accurately estimated by 37.3% of participants. Cannabis use by others was overestimated by 21.8% and accurately estimated by 31.6% of participants. Alcohol use by others was overestimated by more than half (53.4%) of participants and accurately estimated by 31.0%. In multivariable models, compared with participants who accurately estimated tobacco use by others, those who overestimated it reported smoking more cigarettes per week (incidence rate ratio [IRR] [95% CI], 1.17 [range, 1.05, 1.32]). There was no difference in the number of cigarettes smoked per week between those underestimating and those accurately estimating tobacco use by others (IRR [95% CI], 0.99 [range, 0.84, 1.17]). Compared with participants accurately estimating cannabis use by others, those who overestimated it reported more days of cannabis use per month (IRR [95% CI], 1.43 [range, 1.21, 1.70]), whereas those who underestimated it reported fewer days of cannabis use per month (IRR [95% CI], 0.62 [range, 0.23, 0.75]). Compared with participants accurately estimating alcohol use by others, those who overestimated it reported consuming more drinks per week (IRR [95% CI], 1.57 [range, 1.43, 1.72]), whereas those who underestimated it reported consuming fewer drinks per week (IRR [95% CI], 0.41 [range, 0.34, 0.50]). CONCLUSIONS: Perceptions of substance use by others are associated with one's own use. In particular, overestimating use by others is frequent among young men and is associated with one's own greater consumption. This association is independent of the substance use environment, indicating that, even in the case of proximity to a heavy-usage group, perception of use by others may influence one's own use. If preventive interventions are to be based on normative feedback, and their aim is to reduce overestimations of use by others, then the prevalence of overestimation indicates that they may be of benefit to roughly half the population; or, in the case of cannabis, to as few as 20%. Such interventions should take into account differing strengths of association across substances.

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This PhD thesis addresses the issue of scalable media streaming in large-scale networking environments. Multimedia streaming is one of the largest sink of network resources and this trend is still growing as testified by the success of services like Skype, Netflix, Spotify and Popcorn Time (BitTorrent-based). In traditional client-server solutions, when the number of consumers increases, the server becomes the bottleneck. To overcome this problem, the Content-Delivery Network (CDN) model was invented. In CDN model, the server copies the media content to some CDN servers, which are located in different strategic locations on the network. However, they require heavy infrastructure investment around the world, which is too expensive. Peer-to-peer (P2P) solutions are another way to achieve the same result. These solutions are naturally scalable, since each peer can act as both a receiver and a forwarder. Most of the proposed streaming solutions in P2P networks focus on routing scenarios to achieve scalability. However, these solutions cannot work properly in video-on-demand (VoD) streaming, when resources of the media server are not sufficient. Replication is a solution that can be used in these situations. This thesis specifically provides a family of replication-based media streaming protocols, which are scalable, efficient and reliable in P2P networks. First, it provides SCALESTREAM, a replication-based streaming protocol that adaptively replicates media content in different peers to increase the number of consumers that can be served in parallel. The adaptiveness aspect of this solution relies on the fact that it takes into account different constraints like bandwidth capacity of peers to decide when to add or remove replicas. SCALESTREAM routes media blocks to consumers over a tree topology, assuming a reliable network composed of homogenous peers in terms of bandwidth. Second, this thesis proposes RESTREAM, an extended version of SCALESTREAM that addresses the issues raised by unreliable networks composed of heterogeneous peers. Third, this thesis proposes EAGLEMACAW, a multiple-tree replication streaming protocol in which two distinct trees, named EAGLETREE and MACAWTREE, are built in a decentralized manner on top of an underlying mesh network. These two trees collaborate to serve consumers in an efficient and reliable manner. The EAGLETREE is in charge of improving efficiency, while the MACAWTREE guarantees reliability. Finally, this thesis provides TURBOSTREAM, a hybrid replication-based streaming protocol in which a tree overlay is built on top of a mesh overlay network. Both these overlays cover all peers of the system and collaborate to improve efficiency and low-latency in streaming media to consumers. This protocol is implemented and tested in a real networking environment using PlanetLab Europe testbed composed of peers distributed in different places in Europe.

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The present paper investigated whether higher cohesion and satisfaction with family bonds were associated with the daily experience of emotional well-being in varying social circumstances. Using a sample of school-age adolescents (N = 95) and both their parents, data were gathered daily over 1 week using a diary approach in addition to self-report instruments. Multilevel analyses revealed higher cohesion to be associated with well-being in fathers and adolescents, but not in mothers. Parents also reported higher well-being when with friends or colleagues than when alone. Moreover, fathers who scored higher on cohesion reported higher well-being when with family members than when alone, whereas adolescents who scored higher on satisfaction with bonds reported lower well-being when with peers or siblings than when alone.