832 resultados para operation system security mechanism


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Russian gas industry: The current condition of the gas industry is one of the most crucial factors influencing the Russian state·s functioning, internal situation and international position. Not only is gas the principal energy resource in Russia, it also subsidises other sectors of the economy. Status of the main European gas exporter strengthens also Russia's importance in the international arena. New regional in-security: Ten years have passed since the Central Asian states declared their independence, but their relationship with Russia still remains close, and the latter treats them as its exclusive zone of influence. A crucial reason for keeping Central Asia within the orbit of Moscow·s influence is the fact that Russia exercises control over the most important transport routes out of the region of raw materials for the power industry, on which the economic development of Asia depends on. But this is the only manifestation of Central Asia·s economic dependence on Russia. Moscow lacks solid economic instruments (i.e. investment input or power industry dependence) to shape the situation in the region. Caspian oil and gas: Caspian stocks of energy resources are not, and most probably will not be, of any great significance on the world scale. Nevertheless it is the Caspian region which will have the opportunity to become an oil exporter which will reduce the dependence of the European countries on Arabian oil, and which will guarantee Russia the quantities of gas which are indispensable both for meeting its internal demands and for maintaining its current level of export. For Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan, the confirmation of the existence of successive oil strata is not only an opportunity to increase income, but also an additional bargaining chip in the game for the future of the whole region. The stake in this game is the opportunity to limit the economic, and by extension the political influences of Russia in the region.

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The political, military and economic parameters of German power influence the vision of the international order that Berlin favours. Politically, Germany is a regional power in the EU with considerable diplomatic potential. Economically, it is the world's third largest power with growing global trade and investment links. At the same time, Germany's military potential is limited and the German strategic culture makes the country sceptical about the use of military instruments. Berlin is thus essentially interested in maintaining peace and stability, both in Europe and globally, and in developing diplomatic mechanisms to manage regional and global crises and conflicts. The German preference for dialogue and compromise in conflict situations in the regional and global dimensions may increasingly pose a risk to maintaining the cohesion and credibility of NATO – both from the perspective of the USA and Germany’s allies from Central-Eastern and Northern Europe.

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Upon request by the LIBE committee, this study examines the reasons why the Dublin system of allocation of responsibility for asylum seekers does not work effectively from the viewpoint of Member States or asylum-seekers. It argues that as long as it is based on the use of coercion against asylum seekers, it cannot serve as an effective tool to address existing imbalances in the allocation of responsibilities among Member States. The EU is faced with two substantial challenges: first, how to prevent unsafe journeys and risks to the lives of people seeking international protection in the EU; and secondly, how to organise the distribution of related responsibilities and costs among the Member States. This study addresses these issues with recommendations aimed at resolving current practical, legal and policy problems.

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The European Union is founded on a set of common principles of democracy, the rule of law, and fundamental rights, as enshrined in Article 2 of the Treaty on the European Union. Whereas future Member States are vetted for their compliance with these values before they accede to the Union, no similar method exists to supervise adherence to these foundational principles after accession. EU history proved that this ‘Copenhagen dilemma’ was far from theoretical. EU Member State governments’ adherence to foundational EU values cannot be taken for granted. Violations may happen in individual cases, or in a systemic way, which may go as far as overthrowing the rule of law. Against this background the European Parliament initiated a Legislative Own-Initiative Report on the establishment of an EU mechanism on democracy, the rule of law and fundamental rights and proposed among others a Scoreboard on the basis of common and objective indicators by which foundational values can be measured. This Research Paper assesses the need and possibilities for the establishment of an EU Scoreboard, as well as its related social, economic, legal and political ‘costs and benefits’.

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Migration towards Europe has surged over the past few years, overwhelming government authorities at the national and EU levels, and fuelling a xenophobic, nationalist, populist discourse linking migrants to security threats. Despite positive advances in the courts and worthy national initiatives (such as Italy’s Operation Mare Nostrum), the EU’s governance of migration and borders has had disastrous effects on the human rights of migrants. These effects stem from the criminalisation of migrants, which pushes them towards more precarious migration routes, the widespread use of administrative detention and the processing of asylum claims under the Dublin system, and now the EU–Turkey agreement. Yet, this paper finds that with the right political leadership, the EU could adopt different policies in order to develop and implement a human rights-based approach to migration that would seek to reconcile security concerns with the human rights of migrants. Such an approach would enable member states to fully reap the rewards of a stable, cohesive, long-term migration plan that facilitates and governs mobility rather than restricts it at immense cost to the EU, the member states and individual migrants.

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Solar nebula processes led to a depletion of volatile elements in different chondrite groups when compared to the bulk chemical composition of the solar system deduced from the Sun's photosphere. For moderately-volatile elements, this depletion primarily correlates with the element condensation temperature and is possibly caused by incomplete condensation from a hot solar nebula, evaporative loss from the precursor dust, and/or inherited from the interstellar medium. Element concentrations and interelement ratios of volatile elements do not provide a clear picture about responsible mechanisms. Here, the abundance and stable isotope composition of the moderately- to highly-volatile element Se are investigated in carbonaceous, ordinary, and enstatite chondrites to constrain the mechanism responsible for the depletion of volatile elements in planetary bodies of the inner solar system and to define a δ(82/78)Se value for the bulk solar system. The δ(82/78)Se of the studied chondrite falls are identical within their measurement uncertainties with a mean of −0.20±0.26‰ (2 s.d., n=14n=14, relative to NIST SRM 3149) despite Se abundance depletions of up to a factor of 2.5 with respect to the CI group. The absence of resolvable Se isotope fractionation rules out a kinetic Rayleigh-type incomplete condensation of Se from the hot solar nebula or partial kinetic evaporative loss on the precursor material and/or the parent bodies. The Se depletion, if acquired during partial condensation or evaporative loss, therefore must have occurred under near equilibrium conditions to prevent measurable isotope fractionation. Alternatively, the depletion and cooling of the nebula could have occurred simultaneously due to the continuous removal of gas and fine particles by the solar wind accompanied by the quantitative condensation of elements from the pre-depleted gas. In this scenario the condensation of elements does not require equilibrium conditions to avoid isotope fractionation. The results further suggest that the processes causing the high variability of Se concentrations and depletions in ordinary and enstatite chondrites did not involve any measurable isotope fractionation. Different degrees of element depletions and isotope fractionations of the moderately-volatile elements Zn, S, and Se in ordinary and enstatite chondrites indicate that their volatility is controlled by the thermal stabilities of their host phases and not by the condensation temperature under canonical nebular conditions.