955 resultados para municipal waste


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Mode of access: Internet.

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The thrust of the argument presented in this chapter is that inter-municipal cooperation (IMC) in the United Kingdom reflects local government's constitutional position and its exposure to the exigencies of Westminster (elected central government) and Whitehall (centre of the professional civil service that services central government). For the most part councils are without general powers of competence and are restricted in what they can do by Parliament. This suggests that the capacity for locally driven IMC is restricted and operates principally within a framework constructed by central government's policy objectives and legislation and the political expediencies of the governing political party. In practice, however, recent examples of IMC demonstrate that the practices are more complex than this initial analysis suggests. Central government may exert top-down pressures and impose hierarchical directives, but there are important countervailing forces. Constitutional changes in Scotland and Wales have shifted the locus of central- local relations away from Westminster and Whitehall. In England, the seeding of English government regional offices in 1994 has evolved into an important structural arrangement that encourages councils to work together. Within the local government community there is now widespread acknowledgement that to achieve the ambitious targets set by central government, councils are, by necessity, bound to cooperate and work with other agencies. In recent years, the fragmentation of public service delivery has affected the scope of IMC. Elected local government in the UK is now only one piece of a complex jigsaw of agencies that provides services to the public; whether it is with non-elected bodies, such as health authorities, public protection authorities (police and fire), voluntary nonprofit organisations or for-profit bodies, councils are expected to cooperate widely with agencies in their localities. Indeed, for projects such as regeneration and community renewal, councils may act as the coordinating agency but the success of such projects is measured by collaboration and partnership working (Davies 2002). To place these developments in context, IMC is an example of how, in spite of the fragmentation of traditional forms of government, councils work with other public service agencies and other councils through the medium of interagency partnerships, collaboration between organisations and a mixed economy of service providers. Such an analysis suggests that, following changes to the system of local government, contemporary forms of IMC are less dependent on vertical arrangements (top-down direction from central government) as they are replaced by horizontal modes (expansion of networks and partnership arrangements). Evidence suggests, however that central government continues to steer local authorities through the agency of inspectorates and regulatory bodies, and through policy initiatives, such as local strategic partnerships and local area agreements (Kelly 2006), thus questioning whether, in the case of UK local government, the shift from hierarchy to network and market solutions is less differentiated and transformation less complete than some literature suggests. Vertical or horizontal pressures may promote IMC, yet similar drivers may deter collaboration between local authorities. An example of negative vertical pressure was central government's change of the systems of local taxation during the 1980s. The new taxation regime replaced a tax on property with a tax on individual residency. Although the community charge lasted only a few years, it was a highpoint of the then Conservative government policy that encouraged councils to compete with each other on the basis of the level of local taxation. In practice, however, the complexity of local government funding in the UK rendered worthless any meaningful ambition of councils competing with each other, especially as central government granting to local authorities is predicated (however imperfectly) on at least notional equalisation between those areas with lower tax yields and the more prosperous locations. Horizontal pressures comprise factors such as planning decisions. Over the last quarter century, councils have competed on the granting of permission to out-of-town retail and leisure complexes, now recognised as detrimental to neighbouring authorities because economic forces prevail and local, independent shops are unable to compete with multiple companies. These examples illustrate tensions at the core of the UK polity of whether IMC is feasible when competition between local authorities heightened by local differences reduces opportunities for collaboration. An alternative perspective on IMC is to explore whether specific purposes or functions promote or restrict it. Whether in the principle areas of local government responsibilities relating to social welfare, development and maintenance of the local infrastructure or environmental matters, there are examples of IMC. But opportunities have diminished considerably as councils lost responsibility for services provision as a result of privatisation and transfer of powers to new government agencies or to central government. Over the last twenty years councils have lost their role in the provision of further-or higher-education, public transport and water/sewage. Councils have commissioning power but only a limited presence in providing housing needs, social care and waste management. In other words, as a result of central government policy, there are, in practice, currently far fewer opportunities for councils to cooperate. Since 1997, the New Labour government has promoted IMC through vertical drivers and the development; the operation of these policy initiatives is discussed following the framework of the editors. Current examples of IMC are notable for being driven by higher tiers of government, working with subordinate authorities in principal-agent relations. Collaboration between local authorities and intra-interand cross-sectoral partnerships are initiated by central government. In other words, IMC is shaped by hierarchical drivers from higher levels of government but, in practice, is locally varied and determined less by formula than by necessity and function. © 2007 Springer.

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Many local authorities (LAs) are currently working to reduce both greenhouse gas emissions and the amount of municipal solid waste (MSW) sent to landfill. The recovery of energy from waste (EfW) can assist in meeting both of these objectives. The choice of an EfW policy combines spatial and non-spatial decisions which may be handled using Multi-Criteria Analysis (MCA) and Geographic Information Systems (GIS). This paper addresses the impact of transporting MSW to EfW facilities, analysed as part of a larger decision support system designed to make an overall policy assessment of centralised (large-scale) and distributed (local-scale) approaches. Custom-written ArcMap extensions are used to compare centralised versus distributed approaches, using shortest-path routing based on expected road speed. Results are intersected with 1-kilometre grids and census geographies for meaningful maps of cumulative impact. Case studies are described for two counties in the United Kingdom (UK); Cornwall and Warwickshire. For both case study areas, centralised scenarios generate more traffic, fuel costs and emitted carbon per tonne of MSW processed.

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In the area of international environmental law this thesis proposes the formulation of one-step planning and permitting regulation for the integrated utilisation of new surface mines as depositories for municipal solid waste. Additionally, the utilisation of abandoned and currently operated surface mines is proposed as solid waste landfills as an integral step in their reclamation. Existing laws, litigation and issues in the United Kingdom, the U.S. and Canada are discussed because of their common legal system, language and heritage. The critical shortage of approved space for disposal of solid waste has caused an urgent and growing problem for both the waste disposal industry and society. Surface mining can serve three important environmental and societal functions inuring to the health and welfare of the public: (1) providing basic minerals for goods and construction; (20 sequentially, to provide critically needed, safe burial sites for society's wastes, and (3) to conserve land by dual purpose use and to restore derelict land to beneficial surface use. Currently, the first two functions are treated environmentally, and in regulation, as two different siting problems, yet they both are earth-disturbing and excavating industries requiring surface restoration. The processes are largely duplicative and should be combined for better efficiency, less earth disturbance, conservation of land, and for fuller and better reclamation of completed surface mines returning the surfaces to greater utility than present mined land reclamation procedures. While both industries are viewed by a developed society and its communities as "bad neighbours", they remain essential and critical for mankind's existence and welfare. The study offers successful examples of the integrated process in each country. The study argues that most non-fuel surface mine openings, if not already safe, can economically, through present containment technology, be made environmentally safe for use as solid waste landfills. Simultaneously, the procedure safeguards and monitors protection of ground and surface waters from landfill contamination.

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A thermogravimetric methodology was developed to investigate and semi-quantify the extent of synergistic effects during pyrolysis and combustion of municipal solid waste (MSW). Results from TGA-MS were used to compare the pyrolysis and combustion characteristics of single municipal solid waste components (polyvinyl chloride (PVC), polypropylene (PP), polystyrene (PS), branches (BR), leaves (LV), grass (GR), packaging paper (PK), hygienic paper (HP) and cardboard (CB)) and a mixture (MX) of PP, BR and CB. Samples were heated under dynamic conditions at 20°C/min from 25°C to 1000°C with the continuous record of their main evolved fragments. Synergistic effects were evaluated by comparing experimental and calculated weight losses and relative areas of MS peaks. Pyrolysis of the mixture happened in two stages, with the release of H2, CH4, H2O, CO and CO2 between 200 and 415°C and the release of CH4, CxHy, CO and CO2 between 415 and 525°C. Negative synergistic effect in the 1st stage was attributed to the presence of PP where the release of hydrocarbons and CO2 from BR and CB was inhibited, whereas positive synergistic effects were observed during the 2nd degradation stage. In a second part of the study, synergistic effects were related to the dependency of the effective activation energy (Eα) versus the conversion (α). Higher Eαs were obtained for MX during its 1st stage of pyrolysis and lower Eαs for the 2nd stage when compared to the individual components. On the other hand, mostly positive synergistic effects were observed during the combustion of the same mixture, for which lower Eαs were recorded.

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The waste’s rise is a problem that affects the environment as a whole and we cannot forget about it. A good waste’s management is the key to improve the future prospect, and the waste collection is key within the management activities. To find out the better way to collect wastes leads to a reduction of the social, economic and environmental cost. With the use of the Geographic Information Systems it has been intended to elaborate a methodology which allowed us to identify the most suitable places for the location of the collection containers of the different sorts of the solid urban wastes. Taking into account that different types of wastes exist, not all of them should be managed in the same way. Therefore we have to differentiate between models where we apply efficiency and models where we apply equity for the collection of wastes, bearing in mind the necessities of each waste.

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The relationship between industry, waste, and urbanism is one fraught with problems across the United States and in particular American cities. The interrelated nature of these systems of flows is in critical need of re-evaluation. This thesis critiques the system of Municipal Solid Waste Management as it currently exists in American cities as a necessary yet undesirable ‘invisible infrastructure’. Industry and waste environments have been pushed to the periphery of urban environments, severing the relationship between the urban environment we inhabit and the one that is required to support the way we live. The flow of garbage from cities of high density to landscapes of waste has created a model of valuing waste as a linear system that separates input from output. This thesis aims to investigate ways that industry, waste, and urban ecologies can work to reinforce one another. The goal of this thesis is to repair the physical and mental separation of waste and public activity through architecture. This thesis will propose ways to tie urban waste infrastructure and public amenities together through the merging of architecture and landscape to create new avenues for public engagement with waste processes.

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Waste from a deer-processing facility is required by law to be disposed of in any permitted municipal solid waste (Class 3) landfill or a permitted construction and demolition debris (Class 2) landfill that has specific approval to accept animal carcasses. Disposal of deer-processing waste on the property of the processing facility or at any other unpermitted site IS NOT ALLOWED. Waste from commercial deer processing facilities must be disposed of per the requirements of the S.C. Solid Waste Policy and Management Act of 1991.

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Lead is present everywhere in the environment and has been defined as one of the greatest threats to the human health. In this paper, attempts have been made to study a way of recycling the lead produced from waste usage and disposed of in such a way as to avoid degrading the surrounding environment. In order to contain the waste, recycled asphalt material is mixed with the lead and then heated with microwave energy. This is an attempt to solidify and reduce the lead contaminants and use the final product as sub-base material in road pavement construction. The microwave heating of the specimens is carried out with 30%, 50%, 80% and 100% of power at 800W. The optimum power mode is used to compare with the conventional heating of asphalt with sulfur additive. The results are characterized by compact density, permeability, and subjected to toxicity test with regards to lead concentration. A mechanical test to evaluate the stability is also performed on the three methods of solidification and to prove that microwave zapping method allow to convert into an environmentally stable material for recycling without having to be deposited in a landfill site.

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The Regenerating Construction Project for the CRC for Construction Innovation aims to assist in the delivery of demonstrably superior ‘green’ buildings. Components of the project address eco-efficient redesign, achieving a smaller ecological footprint, enhancing indoor environment and minimising waste in design and construction. The refurbishment of Council House 1 for Melbourne City Council provides an opportunity to develop and demonstrate tools that will be of use for commercial building refurbishment generally. It is hoped that the refurbishment will act as an exemplar project to demonstrate environmentally friendly possibilities for office building refurbishment.

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The refurbishment of commercial buildings is growing as a percentage of overall construction activity in Australia and this trend is likely to continue. Refurbishment generates a significant waste stream much of which is potentially reusable or recyclable. Despite this potential, several factors are known to unnecessarily inhibit the amount of recycling that actually occurs on renovation projects. In order to identify the reasons causing this reluctance, a process of project monitoring and expert consultation was carried out. Twenty three experts experienced in commercial refurbishment projects and three waste contractors with specific knowledge of construction waste were interviewed. Records of receipts for waste from a case study project reveal three principal factors inhibiting recycling rates: the presence of asbestos in the building; the continued occupation of the building during construction; and the breaking up of a large project into small separate contracts thereby reducing economies of scale. To ascertain the potential for improvement, current rates for reuse and recycling of materials were collected from the experts. The results revealed a considerable variation in practice between companies and indicated key areas which should be targeted to improve performance.

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Renovation and refurbishment of the existing commercial building stock is a growing area of total construction activity and a significant generator of waste sent to landfill in Australia. A written waste management plan (WMP) is a widespread regulatory requirement for commercial office redevelopment projects. There is little evidence, however, that WMPs actually increase the quantity of waste that is ultimately diverted from landfill. Some reports indicate an absence of any formal verification or monitoring process by regulators to assess the efficacy of the plans. In order to gauge the extent of the problem a survey was conducted of twenty four consultants and practitioners involved in commercial office building refurbishment projects to determine the state of current practice with regard to WMPs and to elicit suggestions with regard to ways of making the process more effective. Considerable variation in commitment to recycling policies was encountered indicating a need to revisit waste minimisation practices if the environmental performance of refurbishment projects is to be improved.